We classify and analyze 200,000 US congressional speeches and 5,000 presidential communications related to immigration from 1880 to the present. Despite the salience of antiimmigration rhetoric ...today, we find that political speech about immigration is now much more positive on average than in the past, with the shift largely taking place between World War II and the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act in 1965. However, since the late 1970s, political parties have become increasingly polarized in their expressed attitudes toward immigration, such that Republican speeches today are as negative as the average congressional speech was in the 1920s, an era of strict immigration quotas. Using an approach based on contextual embeddings of text, we find that modern Republicans are significantly more likely to use language that is suggestive of metaphors long associated with immigration, such as “animals” and “cargo,” and make greater use of frames like “crime” and “legality.” The tone of speeches also differs strongly based on which nationalities are mentioned, with a striking similarity between how Mexican immigrants are framed today and how Chinese immigrants were framed during the era of Chinese exclusion in the late 19th century. Overall, despite more favorable attitudes toward immigrants and the formal elimination of race-based restrictions, nationality is still a major factor in how immigrants are spoken of in Congress.
When advocates push for legal reforms expanding voting rights or reining in the political influence of wealthy elites, they frequently allude to the need to "protect" democracy or push back against ...its "degradation." While these advocates often demand changes that would make the United States' electoral system more inclusive and egalitarian, this language implies that democracy exists outside of law. This rhetoric often overlooks the ways in which undemocratic principles are baked into the very system of laws that create democratic rights for Americans in the first place. Election law in the United States presents a paradox for proponents of democracy Law creates the legal tools necessary for exercising democratic rights and simultaneously limits those rights by excluding certain classes of people from democratic processes and protecting social and economic hierarchies in the arena of electoral politics. On the one hand, all democratic rights are necessarily creatures of law. Election law creates the very rules and mechanisms that enable people to play a role in the selection of their political representatives.
In this article we will analyze the relations between Política Obrera and Internationalist Communist Organization within the international Trotskyist movement in the seventies. From its political ...relations we visualize the purposes to promote a work that converges in the formation of CORQI to guide the activity of its members under the program of the Fourth International. Therefore, we propose to investigate the density of relations between both organizations that manifested themselves in the organizational structure and the dispute over the leadership in the international organization that will culminate in the expulsion of Política Obrera in 1979. We consider that this work is a contribution to the reconstruction of the historical trajectory of the left organizations, particularly the Trotskyist movement, taking into account their exchanges and disagreements in their ranks.
In 1991 Taiwan held its first fully democratic election. This first single volume of party politics in Taiwan analyzes the evolution of party competition in the country, looking at how Taiwan’s ...parties have adjusted to their new multi-party election environment. It features key chapters on:
the development of party politics in Taiwan
the impact of party change on social welfare, corruption and national identity
party politics in the DPP era.
Including interviews with high-ranking Taiwanese politicians and material on the 2004 Presidential election, this important work brings the literature up-to-date. It provides a valuable resource for scholars of Chinese and Taiwanese politics and a welcome addition to the field of regime transition and democratization.
Acknowledgements. List of Tables List of Figures. Abbreviations. 1. Party Change and the Democratic Evolution of Taiwan 2. The Development of Party Politics in Taiwan 3. Issues in Taiwanese Electoral Politics 4. Party Change on the Social Welfare Issue 5. Party Change on the Political Corruption Issue 6. Party Change on the National Identity Issue 7. Party Politics in the DPP Era 8. Conclusion. Bibliography. Appendix 1. Appendix 2
The article outlines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on nationalism around the world. Starting from the premise that nationalism is a global and ubiquitous idea in the contemporary world, it ...explores whether exclusionary tendencies have been reinforced by the pandemic. The pandemic and government responses will not necessarily trigger the increase in exclusionary nationalism that both far-right politicians and observers have noted. However, there are 4 aspects, examined in the article, that might be shaped by the pandemic. These include the recent trajectory of nationalism and its social relevance prior to the pandemic,the rise of authoritarianism as governments suspend or reduce democratic freedoms and civil liberties, the rise of biases against some groups associated with the pandemic, the rise of borders and deglobalization, and the politics of fear. Thus, while the rise of exclusionary nationalism might not be the inevitable consequence of the pandemic, it risks reinforcing preexisting nationalist dynamics.
The Chinese Communist Party began decoupling its policies and practices from Maoist communist ideology more than four decades ago. Yet, why does Maoism continue to have an impact on the behavior of ...Party members? In this study, we argue that, although the influence of Maoist ideology has become weaker among younger Party members and Party members with higher educational attainment, such ideological decay is countered by a process of secondhand ideological imprinting. Based on data from 1,298 non-state-owned Chinese listed firms for 2000–2017, we find that firms with Party-member board chairs file fewer patent applications and are more likely to commit patent infringement. These effects are weaker if a board chair is younger or has higher educational attainment. Importantly, the moderating effect of young age is reduced as the presence of older Party-member corporate directors in a region becomes more prominent. However, the moderating effect of education appears to be unaffected by the presence of older Party-member directors. These findings generate fresh insights on the dynamics of ideological decay and persistence.
This volume brings together for the first time the British Labour Political Party General Election Manifestos, dating back to 1900, and including the most recent General Election manifesto of ...1997.The project provides an indispensible source of data about the Labour Party's political ideologies and policy positions, as well as charting their changes over time.The volume has a new introduction written by Dennis Kavanagh, who is Professor of Politics at Liverpool University, and who has already published Political Science and Political Behaviourwith Routledge.In addition to the new introduction, the volume includes a comprehensive index, making the volume easy to use.
For studying populism in a hybrid and high-choice media environment, the comparison of various media channels is especially instructive. We argue that populism-related communication is a combination ...of key messages (content) and certain stylistic devices (form), and we compare their utilization by a broad range of political actors on Facebook, Twitter, and televised talk shows across six countries (CH, DE, FR, IT, UK, and US). We conducted a content analysis of social media and talk show statements (N = 2067) from 31 parties during a nonelection period of 3 months in 2015. We place special emphasis on stylistic devices and find that they can be grouped into three dimensions—equivalent to three dimensions used for populist key messages. We further find that political parties are generally more inclined to use populism-related communication on Facebook and Twitter than in political talk shows and that both new challenger parties and extreme parties use higher amounts of populist key messages and style elements.
A growing body of comparative studies on partisan hostility – a phenomenon known as affective polarization – is providing evidence that partisan affective polarization is generally no greater in the ...United States than it is in many European multiparty systems. This article takes the comparative literature on affective polarization one step further by presenting the first comparative study on affective polarization that simultaneously uses, compares and combines a direct measure of affective polarization towards voters (using the inter‐party marriage measure) and an indirect measure of affective polarization towards parties (using the like/dislike of party measure) while accounting for the fact that multiparty systems have numerous political parties. This is done by comparing the levels of affective polarization in the United States and Norway. The results show greater affective polarization in the United States relating to parties, but the differences between these two countries are indistinguishable from chance when focusing on the affect relating to voters. This provides empirical evidence that comparative evidence of negative affect towards parties cannot necessarily be generalized to suggest that there is comparative evidence of negative affect towards voters. Yet the results also suggest that negative feelings towards out‐parties move to some extent to the personal level in terms of negative feelings towards voters of these out‐parties.
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