Violation of the law which includes ethical violations is actually an act contrary to the ethical rules of regulations for members of political parties. Still, these violations indicate an increase ...in public officials from political parties. As such, it is interesting to research how to determine the model of the code of ethics for members of political parties. It includes members of political parties who are involved as well as public officials. The type of research used in this article is normative-empirical with a statutory approach and is supported by field research. The data obtained were then analyzed qualitatively. The results of the research and discussion show that the enforcement of the code of ethics and party discipline is carried out through prevention and prosecution efforts. Prevention efforts are carried out through continuous guidance for ordinary members, members, and party cadres by the party honors division at each level of the party leadership council. Meanwhile, efforts to take action are carried out by the party ethics and disciplinary committee formed by the DPP, which is tasked with examining and proving any alleged violations of the party's code of ethics and discipline by party members. The party ethics and disciplinary committee is authorized to examine and provide recommendations on whether party members are guilty of violating the code of ethics and/or party discipline on the basis of reports, complaints, or information.
We offer the first large scale, multiple source analysis of the outcome of what may be the most extensive effort to selectively censor human expression ever implemented. To do this, we have devised a ...system to locate, download, and analyze the content of millions of social media posts originating from nearly 1,400 different social media services all over China before the Chinese government is able to find, evaluate, and censor (i.e., remove from the Internet) the subset they deem objectionable. Using modern computer-assisted text analytic methods that we adapt to and validate in the Chinese language, we compare the substantive content of posts censored to those not censored over time in each of 85 topic areas. Contrary to previous understandings, posts with negative, even vitriolic, criticism of the state, its leaders, and its policies are not more likely to be censored. Instead, we show that the censorship program is aimed at curtailing collective action by silencing comments that represent, reinforce, or spur social mobilization, regardless of content. Censorship is oriented toward attempting to forestall collective activities that are occurring now or may occur in the future—and, as such, seem to clearly expose government intent.
The regression discontinuity (RD) design is a valuable tool for identifying electoral effects, but this design is only effective when relevant actors do not have precise control over election ...results. Several recent papers contend that such precise control is possible in large elections, pointing out that the incumbent party is more likely to win very close elections in the United States House of Representatives in recent periods. In this article, we examine whether similar patterns occur in other electoral settings, including the U.S. House in other time periods, statewide, state legislative, and mayoral races in the U.S. and national or local elections in nine other countries. No other case exhibits this pattern. We also cast doubt on suggested explanations for incumbent success in close House races. We conclude that the assumptions behind the RD design are likely to be met in a wide variety of electoral settings and offer a set of best practices for RD researchers going forward.
What explains the type of electoral campaign run by political parties? We provide a new perspective on campaigns that focuses on the strategic use of emotive language. We argue that the level of ...positive sentiment parties adopt in their campaigns depends on their incumbency status, their policy position, and objective economic conditions. We test these claims with a novel data set that captures the emotive language used in over 400 party manifestos across eight European countries. As predicted, we find that incumbent parties, particularly incumbent prime ministerial parties, use more positive sentiment than opposition parties. We find that ideologically moderate parties employ higher levels of positive sentiment than extremist parties. And we find that all parties exhibit lower levels of positive sentiment when the economy is performing poorly but that this negative effect is weaker for incumbents. Our analysis has important implications for research on campaign strategies and retrospective voting.
Protests can engender significant institutional change. Can protests also continue to shape a nation's contemporary politics outside of more formalized channels? I argue that social movements can not ...only beget institutional change, but also long-run, attitudinal change. Using the case of the U.S. civil rights movement, I develop a theory in which protests can shift attitudes and these attitudes can persist. Data from over 150,000 survey respondents provide evidence consistent with the theory. Whites from counties that experienced historical civil rights protests are more likely to identify as Democrats and support affirmative action, and less likely to harbor racial resentment against blacks. These individual-level results are politically meaningful—counties that experienced civil rights protests are associated with greater Democratic Party vote shares even today. This study highlights how social movements can have persistent impacts on a nation's politics.
Unpacking the core themes that are discussed in this collection, this article both offers a research agenda to re-analyse Turkey's 'authoritarian turn' and mounts a methodological challenge to the ...conceptual frameworks that reinforce a strict analytical separation between the 'economic' and the 'political' factors. The paper problematises the temporal break in scholarly analyses of the AKP period and rejects the argument that the party's methods of governance have shifted from an earlier 'democratic' model - defined by 'hegemony' - to an emergent 'authoritarian' one. In contrast, by retracing the mechanisms of the state-led reproduction of neoliberalism since 2003, the paper demonstrates that the party's earlier 'hegemonic' activities were also shaped by authoritarian tendencies which manifested at various levels of governance.
The affective, identity based, and often negative nature of partisan polarization in the United States has been a subject of much scholarly attention. Applying insights from recent work in social ...psychology, we employ three novel large-N, broadly representative online surveys, fielded over the course of 4 years, across two presidential administrations, to examine the extent to which this brand of polarization features a willingness to apply dehumanizing metaphors to out-partisans. We begin by looking at two different measures of dehumanization (one subtle and one more direct). This uncovers striking, consistent observational evidence that many partisans dehumanize members of the opposing party. We examine the relationship between dehumanization and other key partisan intensity measures, finding that it is most closely related to extreme affective polarization. We also show that dehumanization “predicts” partisan motivated reasoning and is correlated with respondent worldview. Finally, we present a survey experiment offering causal leverage to examine openness to dehumanization in the processing of new information about misdeeds by in- and out-partisans. Participants were exposed to identical information about a melee at a gathering, with the partisanship of those involved randomly assigned. We find pronounced willingness by
both
Democrats and Republicans to dehumanize members of the out-party. These findings shed considerable light on the nature and depth of modern partisan polarization.
WOHIN STEUERT SIE? Ferber, Markus
Politische Studien,
11/2022, Letnik:
73, Številka:
505
Journal Article
Die Europäische Volkspartei (EVP) ist traditionell eng mit dem europäischen Gedanken verflochten, ihre politischen Schwerpunkte – Sicherheit, Wohlstand und Gemeinschaft – sind Teil der europäischen ...DNA. In den vergangenen Jahren hat sie jedoch an den Wahlurnen an Stärke eingebüßt: Nur noch 7 von 27 EU-Mitgliedsstaaten haben eine EVP-geführte Regierung. Zeit zu rekapitulieren, wie es programmatisch um die Parteienfamilie in der EU und in den Mitgliedsstaaten bestellt ist und wie sie auf dem Fundament ihrer Kernkompetenzen wieder zu alter Stärke zurückfinden kann.
Parties often tailor their campaign message differently to different groups of voters with the goal of appealing to a broader electorate with diverse preferences and thereby winning their votes. I ...argue that the strategy helps a party win votes if it can convince diverse groups of voters that the party is ideologically closer to their preferred positions. Using election data from nine Western European democracies, I first show that parties gain votes when they appeal broadly. Analysis of individual-level survey data suggests that voters perceive broadly appealing parties as ideologically closer to their own positions, a finding that identifies a plausible mechanism behind the aggregate positive effect of this strategy on party election performance. These findings not only help explain the behavior of some European parties, but they may also offer a potential recipe for electoral success in multiparty democracies.
The Pluralities of Black Geographies Bledsoe, Adam; Wright, Willie Jamaal
Antipode,
March 2019, 2019-03-00, 20190301, Letnik:
51, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
This paper seeks to spur conversations around the inherent pluralities found within Black Geographies. While analyses of Black Geographies have provided important reflections on the spatial ...imaginaries and practices of Black populations, less attention has been paid to the differences found among Black geographical expressions. This piece therefore seeks to draw out the ways in which Black people uniquely conceive of space by highlighting the distinctions present within different Black social movements. The authors explore the spatial politics of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Panther Party for Self‐Defense, and the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika to argue that while these three movements all attempted to create spaces of Black self‐determination, they did so with distinct spatial aspirations and concrete politics. The authors argue that recognising and accounting for the pluralities of Black spatial creation is necessary for realising more just geographies.
Resumen
Este artículo intenta estimular debates sobre las pluralidades inherentes que se encuentra en Geografías Negras. Mientras analices de Geografías Negras han ofrecidos reflexiones importantes sobre los pensamientos y las practicas espaciales de las poblaciones negras, las diferencias entre las expresiones espaciales negras han recibidas poca atención. Por eso, este artículo intenta enfatizar las maneras en que los grupos negros singularmente conciben espacio por alumbrar las distinciones entre diferentes movimientos sociales negros. Los autores exploran las políticas espaciales de la Asociación Universal de Mejoramiento Negro, el Partido de las Panteras Negras para la Auto‐Defensa y el Gobierno Provisional de la Republica de Nueva Afrika para argumentar que mientras estos tres movimientos intentaban crear espacios de autodeterminación negra, ellos lo hacían con aspiraciones espaciales y políticas concretas distintas. Los autores argumentan que reconocer y considerar las pluralidades de creación espacial negra es necesario para realizar geografías más justas.
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