This paper focuses on the Autonomous Region of Andalusia (Spain), and analyses messages posted in 2020 on the Instagram profiles of the by-then five main political parties of the region: Partido ...Popular, Partido Socialista Obrero Español, Ciudadanos, Vox, and Adelante Andalucía. Through a content analysis of the 1,805 posts published during the pandemic year of 2020, we study the degree of interactive communication of these parties (by using indicators that are both primary and secondary) as well as the main topics and purposes of the political posts in each profile. The results point to a lack of genuine interaction, a primary focus on the economy and health as main topics, and the positioning of individual politicians or parties as predominant purposes of the posts. These results are discussed on the grounds of the literature on Instagram political communication, and the theory of social media interactivity.
Unpacking the core themes that are discussed in this collection, this article both offers a research agenda to re-analyse Turkey's 'authoritarian turn' and mounts a methodological challenge to the ...conceptual frameworks that reinforce a strict analytical separation between the 'economic' and the 'political' factors. The paper problematises the temporal break in scholarly analyses of the AKP period and rejects the argument that the party's methods of governance have shifted from an earlier 'democratic' model - defined by 'hegemony' - to an emergent 'authoritarian' one. In contrast, by retracing the mechanisms of the state-led reproduction of neoliberalism since 2003, the paper demonstrates that the party's earlier 'hegemonic' activities were also shaped by authoritarian tendencies which manifested at various levels of governance.
When advocates push for legal reforms expanding voting rights or reining in the political influence of wealthy elites, they frequently allude to the need to "protect" democracy or push back against ...its "degradation." While these advocates often demand changes that would make the United States' electoral system more inclusive and egalitarian, this language implies that democracy exists outside of law. This rhetoric often overlooks the ways in which undemocratic principles are baked into the very system of laws that create democratic rights for Americans in the first place. Election law in the United States presents a paradox for proponents of democracy Law creates the legal tools necessary for exercising democratic rights and simultaneously limits those rights by excluding certain classes of people from democratic processes and protecting social and economic hierarchies in the arena of electoral politics. On the one hand, all democratic rights are necessarily creatures of law. Election law creates the very rules and mechanisms that enable people to play a role in the selection of their political representatives.
A growing body of comparative studies on partisan hostility – a phenomenon known as affective polarization – is providing evidence that partisan affective polarization is generally no greater in the ...United States than it is in many European multiparty systems. This article takes the comparative literature on affective polarization one step further by presenting the first comparative study on affective polarization that simultaneously uses, compares and combines a direct measure of affective polarization towards voters (using the inter‐party marriage measure) and an indirect measure of affective polarization towards parties (using the like/dislike of party measure) while accounting for the fact that multiparty systems have numerous political parties. This is done by comparing the levels of affective polarization in the United States and Norway. The results show greater affective polarization in the United States relating to parties, but the differences between these two countries are indistinguishable from chance when focusing on the affect relating to voters. This provides empirical evidence that comparative evidence of negative affect towards parties cannot necessarily be generalized to suggest that there is comparative evidence of negative affect towards voters. Yet the results also suggest that negative feelings towards out‐parties move to some extent to the personal level in terms of negative feelings towards voters of these out‐parties.
Socially responsible investing (SRI) is gaining traction in the financial sector, but it is unclear whether the dominant financial logic complements or competes with the social logic in the founding ...of SRI funds. Based on insights we gained from observation at an Asian SRI industry association, interviews with SRI professionals in the U.S. and Europe, and other fieldwork, we questioned explanations for SRI’s conflicted relationship with the financial logic. Our observations prompted us to build a panel database of SRI fund foundings from 1970 to 2014 in 19 countries so that we could examine how a dominant logic interacts with alternative logics to promote or stifle institutional change. We decomposed the financial logic into interdependent dimensions as the provider of means (resources, practices, and knowledge) for novel financial ventures to be founded and the enforcer of profit-maximizing ends that constrain such foundings. Our theory suggests a paradoxical role for the financial logic, which explains an intriguing empirical finding: the founding of SRI funds has a curvilinear, inverted-U-shaped relationship with the prevalence of the financial logic. We propose and find that the relationship between the dominant financial logic and the social logic of SRI shifts from complementary to competing as the financial logic becomes more prevalent in society and its profit-maximizing end becomes taken for granted. We examined how certain alternative logics—those of unions, religion, and green political parties—moderate these effects. Our results shed light on how and to what extent institutional change can occur in fields in which one institutional logic is dominant. They also reveal country-level institutional factors that drive SRI.
In this article we will analyze the relations between Política Obrera and Internationalist Communist Organization within the international Trotskyist movement in the seventies. From its political ...relations we visualize the purposes to promote a work that converges in the formation of CORQI to guide the activity of its members under the program of the Fourth International. Therefore, we propose to investigate the density of relations between both organizations that manifested themselves in the organizational structure and the dispute over the leadership in the international organization that will culminate in the expulsion of Política Obrera in 1979. We consider that this work is a contribution to the reconstruction of the historical trajectory of the left organizations, particularly the Trotskyist movement, taking into account their exchanges and disagreements in their ranks.
Which Elections Can Be Lost? Hyde, Susan D.; Marinov, Nikolay
Political analysis,
2012, Letnik:
20, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The concept of electoral competition is relevant to a variety of research agendas in political science, yet the question of how to measure electoral competition has received little direct attention. ...We revisit the distinction proposed by Giovanni Sartori between competition as a structure or rule of the game and competitiveness as an outcome of that game and argue that to understand which elections can be lost (and therefore when parties and leaders are potentially threatened by electoral accountability), scholars may be better off considering the full range of elections where competition is allowed. We provide a data set of all national elections between 1945 and 2006 and a measure of whether each election event is structured such that the competition is possible. We outline the pitfalls of other measures used by scholars to define the potential for electoral competition and show that such methods can lead to biased or incomplete findings. The new global data on elections and the minimal conditions necessary for electoral competition are introduced, followed by an empirical illustration of the differences between the proposed measure of competition and existing methods used to infer the existence of competition.
El debate presente en la esfera académica acerca del papel de los partidos de extrema derecha durante la pandemia del coronavirus se extiende a su aspecto comunicativo. Mientras algunos autores ...sostienen que estos partidos han enfocado sus mensajes desde la perspectiva del miedo, la amenaza inmigrante o la conspiración, de manera poco fructífera, llegando a considerarse incluso como los "˜perdedores de la crisis´, otros hacen hincapié en su capacidad para construir un sentido de comunidad a través de la resiliencia. La presente investigación tiene por objeto retomar estas discusiones y profundizar en el estudio de los marcos comunicativos de los partidos políticos europeos, con especial atención a la extrema derecha, en aras de obtener conclusiones más matizadas. Para ello, se ha ejecutado una doble metodología a través de la codificación de los frames empleados en el total de las 2.757 publicaciones de Twitter, de los partidos mayoritarios de gobierno y de los de extrema derecha de Alemania, Francia, España y Polonia, correspondientes a marzo de 2020. Los resultados apuntan a que los partidos estudiados presentan diferencias en sus marcos comunicativos no en función de su adscripción a un espectro ideológico, como podría caber esperar, sino de su papel como poder ejecutivo en el Gobierno o en la oposición de sus respectivas cámaras legislativas.Â
This article charts the rise of the ‘Alternative for Germany’ (Alternative für Deutschland or AfD) from its inception in late 2012 to its unexpectedly strong performance in the 2017 Federal election. ...In terms of the ‘inward’ aspect of Euroscepticism, the article considers the impact of the emergence of successively more hardline leaderships in 2015 and 2017, which led to a shift beyond opposition to aspects of the European integration process to a more profound critique of German society and politics. In terms of the ‘outward’ aspect, it assesses the significance of these developments in the wider debates around Euroscepticism and populism. The article concludes that the AfD’s Euroscepticism is now nested within an ideological profile that increasingly conforms to the template of an orthodox European right-wing populist party. It argues that the widely unanticipated level of electoral support for the AfD in the 2017 Federal elections and its status as the main opposition party in the Bundestag is a systemic shock and potential critical juncture in the development of the German party system and the contestation of European integration in the Federal Republic.
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