The article will examine the status of capital and spirit—two conceptual forces, as analysed by Deleuze and Guattari, and Hegel, respectively. Capital, the decoded flow of money and labour, and ...spirit, the persistent rhythm of negation, will both be considered as embodiments of the universal, which I want to define as material expansiveness of the concept. Contrary to the common conception, Deleuze and Guattari do not renounce the idea of universality but alter and accom-modate it in accordance with their theoretical agenda. The text will explore the idea of history as an arena of the expan-sion of thought. In both the dialectical and schizoanalytical frameworks, history becomes a field in which conceptual energies are distributed. I propose to understand universality precisely as this distribution and its dynamics. I will consider spirit and capital as material processes transforming historical codes. The seemingly paradoxical physical interpretation of meaning will serve to examine its constitution and mecha-nism outside the relation of representation. Representation is a structure of meaning functioning on a molar level. Mean-while, both dialectical and schyzoanalytical methods work with the molecular properties of codes, examining their conceptual density, energetic flows and relational intensities. Deleuze and Guattari, and Hegel approach meaning as a conceptual substance which literally makes history, eliciting material properties of thought as it makes its way into being.
The pathologies of the democratic public sphere, first articulated by Plato in his attack on rhetoric, have pushed much of deliberative theory out of the mass public and into the study and design of ...small scale deliberative venues. The move away from the mass public can be seen in a growing split in deliberative theory between theories of democratic deliberation (on the ascendancy) which focus on discrete deliberative initiatives within democracies and theories of deliberative democracy (on the decline) that attempt to tackle the large questions of how the public, or civil society in general, relates to the state. Using rhetoric as the lens through which to view mass democracy, this essay argues that the key to understanding the deliberative potential of the mass public is in the distinction between deliberative and plebiscitary rhetoric.
Wealth and Power Bennett, Michael; Brouwer, Huub; Claassen, Rutger
2022, 2023, 20221115, Letnik:
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Is political equality viable when a capitalist economy unequally distributes private property? This book examines the nexus between wealth and politics and asks how institutions and citizens should ...respond to it. Theories of democracy and property have often ignored the ways in which the rich attempt to convert their wealth into political power, implicitly assuming that politics is isolated from economic forces. This book brings the moral and political links between wealth and power into clear focus. The chapters are divided into three thematic sections. Part I analyses wealth and politics from the perspective of various political traditions, such as liberalism, republicanism, anarchism, and Marxism. Part II addresses the economic sphere, and looks at the political influence of corporations, philanthropists, and commons-based organisations. Finally, Part III turns to the political sphere and looks at the role of political parties and constitutions, and phenomena such as corruption and lobbying. Wealth and Power: Philosophical Perspectives will be of interest to scholars and advanced students working in political philosophy, political science, economics, and law.
Nie war das Politische frei von Emotionen, jedoch scheint ihre Quantität und Geltung in der politischen Sphäre der Gegenwart stetig zuzunehmen. Hinweise darauf sind die zunehmende Präsenz emotionaler ...Debatten im medialen Bereich wie auch im alltäglichen Umgang miteinander. Ein Blick in die Zeitung oder in soziale Netzwerke scheint zu genügen, um zu erfahren, welchen Stellenwert Emotionen und Affekte in Diskussionen über politische Entscheidungen oder Problemstellungen einnehmen. Ob und inwiefern es eine signifikante Zunahme der Rolle der Emotionen im Bereich des Politischen gibt, erörtern die Beitragenden des Bandes mit unterschiedlichen Perspektiven.
If we don’t know what the words “democracy” and “democratic” mean, then we don’t know what democracy is. This book defends a radical view: these words mean nothing and should be abandoned. The ...argument for abolitionism is simple: those terms are defective and we can easily do better, so let’s get rid of them. According to the abolitionist, the switch to alternative devices would be a significant communicative, cognitive, and political advance. The first part of the book presents a general theory of abandonment: the conditions under which language should be abandoned. The rest of the book applies this general theory to the case of “democracy” and “democratic”. The book shows that “democracy” and “democratic” are semantically, pragmatically, and communicatively defective. Abolitionism is not all gloom and doom. It also contains a message of good cheer: we have easy access to conceptual devices that are more effective than “democracy”. We can do better. These alternative linguistic devices will enable us to ask better questions, provide genuinely fruitful answers, and have more rational discussions. Moreover, those questions and answers better articulate the communicative and cognitive aims of those who use empty terms such as “democracy” and “democratic”.
The Historical-Critical Dictionary of Marxism (HCDM) is a comprehensive Marxist lexicon, which in the 9 German-language volumes concluded so far has involved over 800 scholars from around the globe. ...Conceived by philosopher Wolfgang Fritz Haug in 1983, the first volume of the ongoing lexicon project was published in 1994. This first English-language selection introduces readers to the HCDM’s wide range of terms: besides Marxist concepts, approached from a plural standpoint and stressing feminist, ecological, and internationalist perspectives, it boasts entries on the histories of social movements, theoretical schools, as well as cultural, political, philosophical, and aesthetic debates. Contributors are: Samir Amin, Jan Otto Andersson, Konstantin Baehrens, Lutz-Dieter Behrendt, Mario Candeias, Robert Cohen, Alex Demirović, Klaus Dörre, William W. Hansen, Wolfgang Fritz Haug, Frigga Haug, Peter Jehle, Juha Koivisto, Wolfgang Küttler, Morus Markard, Eleonore von Oertzen, Christof Ohm, Rinse Reeling Brouwer, Jan Rehmann, Thomas Sablowski, Peter Schyga, Victor Strazzeri, Peter D. Thomas, André Tosel, Michael Vester, Lise Vogel, and Victor Wallis.
Is that a matter of expressing opinions or of aggregating votes or of deliberating together? (And if "all three," then combined how and in what proportions?) Insofar as it is a matter of aggregating ...votes, according to what rules? (Simple majority rule or something else?) Insofar as it is a matter of elections, what makes them free and fair? (How are campaigns to be conducted, electors apportioned to districts, and so on?) Are there any substantive constraints on what democracies may or must do? (Respect human rights, for example.) Such questions constitute the warp and the woof of democratic theory. The point remains that the basic rule in international law and public economics is something less than is proposed under the "decisional power" interpretation of the "all affected interests" principle.
The content of political doctrines and dominant lines of practical politics is legitimised by the ef- fort to implement the ideal of a good, free society by applying the idea of reason. At the same ...time, its performance not only defines the conditions for the theoretical justification of the idea of power, but also becomes a tool for its implementation. The primary goal of this paper is in an endeavour to place the normative nature of current (democratic) political regimes where we encounter the need for a more fundamental theoretical argument that would enable us to respond to their dynamic, often contradictory development. One of the consequences of such fixation is in the division of sciences into the realms of nature and society, the independence of their methodological orientation, or the factual and theoretical division of human reality into rationalism (means, technology, efficiency) and human values and mean- ings which become the domain of irrationalism. Therefore, from the perspective of modern political systems, irrationally conditioned modelling of reality under the guise of rationality may be considered an important aspect of the ideological compromise between politics, economics, and the media sphere on the lasting continuity of prosperity for the rich ones.
This article attempts to answer the question of what it meant to be a Piłsudskiite in the thought and political philosophy of Ignacy Matuszewski. The author omitted the biography and political ...activity of the article’s protagonist as they are already relatively well known, and instead focused on his comments on the topic stated in the title of this article that can be found in Matuszewski’s enormous body of works, produced both in the inter-war period and in exile after 1945. The paper presents the attitude of Piłsudskiites towards Józef Piłsudski, the state, independence, and the phenomenon of dogmatism in political thought towards which the Piłsudskiites, including Matuszewski himself, showed great reluctance. The author indicated that during the period in question, the understanding of the term “Piłsudskiite” in Polish political thought evolved from the name of soldiers serving under Piłsudski’s command to a label denoting all Poles who shared the ideas guiding the First Marshal of Poland.
The goal of this paper is to bring together the constructivist approach to public policy and Michel Foucault's concepts of knowledge, power, and truth, and to synthetize useful insights for public ...policy research from that connection. First, the characteristics of the constructivist approach are elaborated, and commentary is provided on the distinction between "rigid" and "soft" constructivism, and the answers to certain criticisms of constructivism are provided. Then, Foucault's concept of truth is elaborated in detail, as well as other important concepts in Foucault's conceptual apparatus such as knowledge, power and discourse. Finally, the connection between Foucault's work and constructivism is presented. The overarching question of the paper is the question of the possibility of establishing objective truth in the area of social sciences, and the relevance of objective truth for public policy and the political field in general.
