TZVETAN TODOROV starb am 7. Februar 2017. Was hat er uns hinterlassen? Was bleibt? Die These der nachfolgenden Überlegungen lautet: Mehr noch als seine spezifischen Beiträge zur Literatur- und ...Kulturtheorie sowie zur Geschichte der Philosophie ist TODOROVS intellektueller Ansatz sein eigentliches Erbe.
Gibt es Parallelen zwischen Michel Foucaults und Ernst Jüngers politischem Denken? Auf den ersten Blick scheint dies abwegig. Doch Nasser Ahmed deckt in Foucaults »Sexualität und Wahrheit I« und ...Jüngers »Der Arbeiter« denselben Typus biopolitischen Denkens auf und zeigt, wie nah sich beide Ansätze sind. Zwischen der Biomacht auf der einen und der Lebensmacht auf der anderen Seite erhellt er einen Raum, der in bisherigen politischen Einordnungen unsichtbar geblieben ist: Foucault und Jünger stehen als biopolitische Denker auf derselben Seite einer fundamentalen Zweiteilung des politischen Denkens, welche das Politische weniger als Funktion der Verständigung, sondern eher als Funktion des Kampfes versteht.
This study sees the political ontology developed by Deleuze and Guattari regarding Marxism as a political intervention in relational Marxism. The philosophers who adopt the concept of relationality ...as a plane rather than a method in their works, handle to Marxism in the focus of relationality. This relationality isn’t built with the common sense approach and the philosophy of internal relations. It is not part-whole relationship based on organism understanding. For thinkers, it is the main point of departure that the terms in the relationship can’t be reduced to the relationship itself. Based on this claim, the relation of terms isn’t the relation of two independent entities, but an assembly relation inherent to each other. The encounter between the “free labor” and the “owner of money” that Marx put forward for the social organization of capitalism is considered as the relation of capitalist assembly as flows. The encounter of these two elements is presented in Deleuze and Guattari as the virtual or the actualization of the virtual. The actualization of the virtual is dealt with in the context of the productions of subjectivity. “Free labor” and “owner of money” are revealed as the productions of subjectivity. Analyzing through subjectivity productions can’t be conceived independently from Deleuze and Guattari’s machine theory. Firstly, this study put forward the issue of autonomy of terms against relation in Deleuze and Guattari’s political philosophy through assembly theory and will address how thinkers grasp relationality. Then, it will analyze how is handled the encounter between the “free worker” and the “owner of money”, perceived as the relationality of capitalism in Marx.
This article reviews the reasons scholars hold that driverless cars and many other AI equipped machines must be able to make ethical decisions, and the difficulties this approach faces. It then shows ...that cars have no moral agency, and that the term 'autonomous', commonly applied to these machines, is misleading, and leads to invalid conclusions about the ways these machines can be kept ethical. The article's most important claim is that a significant part of the challenge posed by -equipped machines can be addressed by the kind of ethical choices made by human beings for millennia. Ergo, there is little need to teach machines ethics even if this could be done in the first place. Finally, the article points out that it is a grievous error to draw on extreme outlier scenarios—such as the Trolley narratives—as a basis for conceptualizing the ethical issues at hand.
The commemoration of the 700th anniversary of the canonization of Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) as well as the fiftieth anniversary of the death of Jacques Maritain (1882-1973) present an opportunity to ...re-examine the neo-Thomism of the contemporary French philosopher. Our aim here will be to set out the philosophical argument from which Maritain establishes an inseparable link between human rights (i.e., the dignity of the human person) and natural law. We will thus seek to expose how Maritain supports democracy from the horizon of Christian philosophy. In doing so, the Thomistic democracy that Maritain proposes will appear to be distant from both totalitarian collectivism and anarchistic individualism, two current threats to the establishment of an authentic and mature democracy.
Few topics have in recent years caused more controversy in studies in the history of philosophy than the issue of Immanuel Kant's conception of race and its significance for the universalism of his ...moral and political philosophy. Here, Krogh turns to these debates to make the case that it matters not simply that people recognize the centrality of Kant's conceptual work in natural history to his critical philosophy, but also how they subsequently conceive of the importance of such a realization to the universalisms of later works in the Kantian tradition of philosophy and critical theory.
Why Limitarianism? Robeyns, Ingrid
The journal of political philosophy,
June 2022, Letnik:
30, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
This article discusses ‘limitarianism’, which in its most general formulation is the idea that in the world as it is, no one should have more than a certain upper limit of valuable goods, in ...particular, income and wealth. What, if anything, does ‘limitarianism’ add to normative political philosophy? In Section I, I describe the context in which limitarianism has been introduced. Section II will provide a more detailed statement about limitarianism, including some more recent contributions to and developments in the literature. In the next two sections, I discuss egalitarianism (Section III) and sufficientarianism (Section IV) and ask whether they can do what I envision to be the task of limitarianism. Section V argues that within theories of distributive justice, limitarianism is best seen as part of a pluralist account. This is illustrated by sketching the proposal of a pluralist account combining sufficientarianism, opportunity egalitarianism, and limitarianism. Section VI concludes by pulling everything together, and will give an answer to the question of what limitarianism contributes to normative political philosophy.
The text is based on two premises. The first is that we live in the times of neoliberalism, and the second is that the political subject of neoliberalism is the individual, the “one” qualified as ...indivisible, independent, sole owner of one’s self. To define what an individual is, I will revisit several 19th-century claims which at the same time posit individual as an empty universal – anyone qualifies for entitlement of an individual – and reveal it as profoundly exclusionary – as the holder of entitlements. I will claim that the indivisibility of an individual is also the basis for its understanding as sovereign and self-actualized. Liberal politicization of a sovereign possessor of interests introduces not only homo oeconomicus, but it also integrates economic mode of governmentality into the sphere of the political, it becoming a space of incessant play of exclusions and inclusions. If another kind of political imaginary is to be developed, I argue we need to distance ourselves from the figure of the individual, bearing in mind that homo oeconomicus triumphs today as the exhaustive figure of the human, amidst the patently unequal distribution not only of precarity but also of vulnerability. Critical engagement with neoliberalism assumes
engaging with the political centrality of a figure of an agentic individual.
The illiberal democracy is the political system where majority of citizens rule, but where is not the freedom of consciousness or where the liberal dividing of power is absent. In the modern history ...of Europe the best example of this political system we find in the Calvinist Republics as Geneva, Emden and Netherlands. It’s not the democracy in the contemporary meaning of this word because the notion of “citizen” is aristocratic. The citizens are the members of aristocracy and patricians of towns. But in this time the citizens are the people only. This system is not liberal, because the Catholics are persecuted. The aim of this text is the presentation vision and ideology of theses Republics. It’s the mixture of sovereignty of the people-citizens with the theocratic tendency of Calvinism. In the theory of Calvin, and in the practice of theses Republics we are the tension between the “too swords”: spiritual (Calvinist consistories) and temporal (political power). In the literature we are many of allusions that the theological-political thought of Jean Calvin is inspired by medieval papal theocracy. It’s theocracy with “purified” Word of God, and inspired by the fear of the “caesaropapism”. This fear was just. Every theocratic rule in the Calvinist republican regime is finished by the supremacy of temporal swords. This text present the process of change from papocaesarism to caesaropapism in every republican case.
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