Does people's greater intention to migrate deter them from participating in protests? How does protest participation shape intention to migrate? How does the relationship between migration intention ...and protest change amidst Hong Kong's transition to authoritarianism? Drawing upon Hirschman's exit-voice theory, this study examines the relationship between protest and migration intentions against the changing context across time. We use a time-series dataset on Hong Kong's anti-extradition movement of late 2019 for our analysis. The results show that people who have greater intention to migrate are more likely to participate in protest, but this association wanes as state repression intensifies. We find that migration intention indicates the psychological preparedness to leave, and that the fallback plan emboldens people to speak out. Yet, as the state becomes more repressive, people who intend to migrate are also sensitive to the signals about the repression, which thus attenuates protest participation. This also explains the phenomenon that more active protestors intend to leave to escape repression. People with radical political affiliations are more inclined to emigrate but this relationship attenuates over time, indicating the importance of group effects in curbing migration intentions.
Challenging prevailing theories of development and labor, Gay Seidman's controversial study explores how highly politicized labor movements could arise simultaneously in Brazil and South Africa, two ...starkly different societies. Beginning with the 1960s, Seidman shows how both authoritarian states promoted specific rapid-industrialization strategies, in the process reshaping the working class and altering relationships between business and the state. When economic growth slowed in the 1970s, workers in these countries challenged social and political repression; by the mid-1980s, they had become major voices in the transition from authoritarian rule.
Based in factories and working-class communities, these movements enjoyed broad support as they fought for improved social services, land reform, expanding electoral participation, and racial integration.
In Brazil, Seidman takes us from the shopfloor, where disenfranchized workers organized for better wages and working conditions, to the strikes and protests that spread to local communities. Similar demands for radical change emerged in South Africa, where community groups in black townships joined organized labor in a challenge to minority rule that linked class consciousness to racial oppression. Seidman details the complex dynamics of these militant movements and develops a broad analysis of how newly industrializing countries shape the opportunities for labor to express demands. Her work will be welcomed by those interested in labor studies, social theory, and the politics of newly industrializing regions.
Abstract
Despite evident and oft-cited disparities in the policing of right-wing extremists and more progressive social movements, we understand much less about how such distinctions emerge and ...unfold as the police prepare for, and act within, protest events. How does the racial and political orientation of social movements affect how they are policed? What are the processes through which such effects are realized? In contrast with most existing studies of protest policing, which emphasize how the actions of authorities are conditioned by the degree of threat associated with, for example, the size or capacity for violence of a given protest target, the analysis here of a cluster of cases associated with the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, recognizes the constructed nature of protest threats and highlights how those assumptions inform and interact with police planning and action. Findings emphasize how the degree of alignment between police and protesters shapes policing agents’ preparations for, and operational considerations within, protest events. This alignment provides a basis for asymmetric communication, differential assessment, and—ultimately—distinct treatment of different protest targets.
Why do people use anonymity-granting technologies when surfing the Internet? Anecdotal evidence suggests that people often resort to using online anonymity services, like the Tor network, because ...they are concerned about the possibility of their government infringing their civil and political rights, especially in highly repressive regimes. This claim has yet to be subject to rigorous cross-national, over time testing. In this article, econometric analysis of newly compiled data on Tor network usage from 2011 to 2013 shows that the relationship between political repression and the use of the Tor network is U-shaped. Political repression drives usage of Tor the most in both highly repressive and highly liberal contexts. The shape of this relationship plausibly emerges as a function of people’s opportunity to use Tor and their need to use anonymity-granting technologies to express their basic political rights in highly repressive regimes.
The monograph under review considers the tragic pages of mass terror and the activity of special settlements, prisons and labor camps in the territory of Vologda Oblast in the period between 1918 and ...1953 against the general historical background. The source base of the monograph includes archival materials, documentary collections, periodicals, memoirs, and the publications on the subject of research. This allows the author to go beyond the framework of traditional historiographical approaches and recreate a multifaceted history of the punitive system of the Soviet state in human dimension on the example of the Vologda land.
Although authoritarian countries often repress independent citizen activity, lobbying by civil society organizations is actually a widespread phenomenon. Using case studies such as China, Russia, ...Belarus, Cambodia, Malaysia, Montenegro, Turkey, and Zimbabwe, Lobbying the Autocrat shows that citizen advocacy organizations carve out niches in the authoritarian policy process, even influencing policy outcomes. The cases cover a range of autocratic regime types (one-party, multi-party, personalist) on different continents, and encompass different systems of government to explore citizen advocacy ranging from issues such as social welfare, women’s rights, election reform, environmental protection, and land rights. They show how civil society has developed adaptive capacities to the changing levels of political repression and built resilience through ‘tactful contention’ strategies. Thus, within the bounds set by the authoritarian regimes, adaptive lobbying may still bring about localized responsiveness and representation. However, the challenging conditions of authoritarian advocacy systems identified throughout this volume present challenges for both advocates and autocrats alike. The former are pushed by an environment of constant threat and uncertainty into a precarious dance with the dictator: just the right amount of acquiescence and assertiveness, private persuasion and public pressure, and the flexibility to change quickly to suit different situations. An adaptive lobbyist survives and may even thrive in such conditions, while others often face dire consequences. For the autocrat on the other hand, the more they stifle the associational sphere in an effort to prevent mass mobilization, the less they will reap the informational benefits associated with it. This volume synthesizes the findings of the comparative cases to build a framework for understanding how civil society effectively lobbies inside authoritarian countries.
Political repression beneath the threshold of criminal prosecution is a phenomenon of past and present, predominantly authoritarian, regimes. This so-called quiet repression includes measures such as ...the limitation of freedom of speech, surveillance of (perceived) political opponents, or the spreading of rumors to socially isolate targets. Such experiences of chronic stress show significant psychological and physiological health consequences in affected individuals. However, societal awareness of quiet repression measures remains limited, hindering victims' access to support and complicating healthcare interventions. In the current paper, we present the design of a study conducted with individuals who endured quiet repression measures in the former German Democratic Republic (GDR), a socialist state closely aligned with the former Soviet Union. We discuss the challenges encountered over the course of the study, and present the solutions found. Although every study population has their unique challenges and needs, we wish to inform future sensitive research within the realm of quiet political repression. Given the limited understanding of the phenomenon, there is a pressing need for further investigation aiming to improve acceptance and care for past and future victims.
•Quiet political repression includes measures such as the limitation of freedom of speech, surveillance, or the spreading of rumors to socially isolate (perceived) political opponents.•Quiet political repression induces chronic psychosocial stress, affecting mental and physical health.•Challenges in studying quiet repression include recruitment difficulties and heterogeneity of experiences.•Stress measurements need to be adapted to the needs of the population investigated.•Given the risk of reactivating traumatic memories, psychological support is crucial for participants.
Durante la última dictadura militar argentina se prohibió trabajar en medios de comunicación a un amplio grupo de personas: desde actores, pasando por técnicos, hasta periodistas. Los objetivos del ...artículo son reconstruir los antecedentes y el contexto de la lista negra de medios, así como analizar su proceso de constitución, lógica y dinámica represiva. El trabajo fue realizado a partir de la consulta combinada de tres archivos de la represión, del uso de recortes prensa y de la realización de entrevistas. La investigación colabora con la profundización del conocimiento sobre la violencia estatal en el período y con la problematización de la importancia de los medios en el proyecto autoritario dictatorial. A partir del análisis, se propone diferenciar conceptualmente la prohibición de trabajo en medios de la censura de obras, a partir de proponer que las listas negras apuntaron a objetivos cualitativamente diferentes y más profundos de disciplinamiento o destrucción de la subjetividad de las personas que participaban del campo de la comunicación y la cultura.
The migration literature has examined migrants' political motivations separately from their family's mobility strategies in the face of macro‐political uncertainties. Bridging the two bodies of ...literature, this study analyses how parental status moderates the relationship between individual political considerations and migration intentions in an increasingly tense political climate. Based on the quantitative data on political protests in Hong Kong, we find that migration intention increases both with mobilisation by protestors and repression by the government. While more active protestors are less likely to migrate, parents who have participated in the protests tend to have a stronger intention to migrate. Our qualitative data explain that despite parent protestors' commitment to the pro‐democratic protests, their encounters with law enforcement create a strong migration intention to ensure their children's political freedom and physical safety. While pro‐government citizens have less intention to migrate than pro‐democracy citizens, both are likely to migrate if they have children. Interviews show that pro‐government citizens' migration hopes for their children's future are de‐politicised. Finally, future‐oriented characteristics of migration motivates parents to prioritise their children's prospects over their obligations to their ageing parents. This study therefore contributes to the understanding of the relationship among migration, politics, and family life.
Thèse dirigée par Marc Olivier Baruch, soutenue devant un jury composé de Catherine Fillon (Université Lyon III), Jean-Paul Jean (Cour de Cassation), François Rouquet (Université de Caen), Anne ...Simonin (CNRS) et Mathieu Soula (Université Paris Nanterre). Résumé : De la fin de la « drôle de guerre » à l’effondrement de l’État français, de nombreux prévenus sont jugés pour des motifs politiques par les juridictions du ressort de la cour d’appel de Paris. Deux grandes périodes se distinguent, l’...
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