L'assassinat de François de Guise par Poltrot de Méré, le 24 février 1563, eut un retentissement considérable dans l' opinion publique. Pendant que les protestants se réjouissaient, les catholiques ...rendirent au défunt un hommage en vers français et latins. Celui-ci fut orchestré par la maison des Guises et prit la forme d'une salve de plaquettes imprimées par le libraire parisien Thomas Richard qui connurent une diffusion en France et hors de ses frontières. C'est ce corpus méconnu de vers manuscrits écrits par les protestants et des plaquettes imprimées publiées par les catholiques que nous analysons, afin d'identifier les motifs, les acteurs et les conséquences de la polémique de 1563. Il s'agira aussi d'observer les mécanismes de cette offensive, notamment par le moyen de l'édition, et de reconstituer les modes de constitution de << publics >> (auteurs et lecteurs) que s'efforcent de fédérer les deux partis antagonistes. The assassination of François de Guise by Poltrot de Méré on 24 February 1563 exercised a considerable impact on public opinion. While Protestants celebrated, Catholics paid homage to the deceased in the form of verses written in French and Latin. His tribute was orchestrated by the de Guise family, who were responsible for the publication, via the Parisian bookseller, Thomas Richard, of a salvo of pamphlets distributed both in France and beyond its borders. This article examines the historical circumstances of the death of François de Lorraine in an attempt to shed light on the literary audiences, i.e., the Protestant and Catholic groups who gathered together to praise either the victim or the assassin. In this political, religious, and literary controversy of 1563, both sides turned to publication to spread their propaganda and to unite their supporters.
In every country, state symbols such as the national flag, emblem, and national anthems represent the independence and sovereignty of the state. In the Soviet Union as well as in other autocratic ...states symbols also played an important role in propaganda, influencing peoples’ attitudes to the actions of the state at all levels. These symbols could also be found, together with powerful imagery in posters, on buildings, monuments and many other things visible and incorporated in the routine life the people. Ukraine has huge historical heritage of symbolism and propaganda from when the country was a major part of the USSR. After the creation of the USSR a political, socio-economic, cultural and spiritual experiment on the construction of a communist society, which in the case of Ukraine was unprecedented in scale and tragedy, began. The collectivization of the village is one of the most tragic pages in the history of Ukraine. As the most important grain-growing region of the country at the time its production was vital to feed the growing cities and industrialisation. The forced collectivisation led to starvation in the 1930s and millions of people died. In order to counter this most public information showed people another side of collectivization. Propaganda was used, such as posters and slogans, to persuade the peasants to join the collective farms and to promote the real or fictitious results of the workers, and, conversely, to attack people who did not want to believe in the “bright future” of the USSR and to denounce “kulaks” and “saboteurs”. Materials from archives and published sources show many examples of Ukrainian images and symbols of that time which shed a light on the way the collectivisation process was portrayed and promoted.
Sin embargo, el mérito del estudio radica, sobre todo, en que ofrece una panorámica de esta política durante la posguerra. Es mérito del estudio el haber unificado trabajos anteriores que se han ...detenido en ámbitos concretos como el libro escolar o la censura; dispersión normal pues, como detecta la autora, las políticas que afectaron al libro «se hicieron de manera descoordinada y separada sin tener en cuenta una concepción global del libro que comprendiera tanto su faceta económica como la educativa y cultural» (p. 36). Sin embargo, la exposición de la política educativa del régimen desluce un tanto el libro, pues la autora hace una caracterización demasiado simple del sistema educativo y de la pedagogía de la posguerra. Sí resulta de mucho interés la síntesis que hace sobre la polémica del libro de texto único (pp. 1 14-1 17) donde entra en la complejidad de la España en guerra y la pugna entre las editoriales e impresores y el Estado.
The present work deals with the chronicles produced in the Jornal dos Sports (JS) in the 1950s, trying to analyze their main ideas, representations and idiosyncrasies produced by their respective ...authors. From this analysis, we can identify and propose a classification among the main chroniclers analyzed, according to their social origins and style of writing. Era mais um integrante oriundo do jornal O Globo, além da Rádio Globo, demonstrando a atuaçāo e articu^āo de um mesmo profissional em vários veículos e meios de comunicaçāo. Como praticamente todos os demais autores do JS, defendía uma linha clubística e nāo se esquivara de esconder seu clube de coraçāo - o Botafogo.21 No plano internacional, cobriu vários eventos como Jogos Olímpicos e Copas do Mundo FIFA e adotara um discurso bem liberal nas suas análises tendo como referencia a proximidade cultural com os Estados Unidos e uma aversāo ao esporte e equipes que viessem do bloco soviético.22 Outro integrante, Everardo Lopes, também já era um veterano no JS e durante a Copa do Mundo de 1950 atuou como comentarista na Rádio Mayrink Veiga, demonstrando mais uma vez as relaçöes bem próximas dos profissionais que atuavam no JS e nas rádios da cidade do Rio de Janeiro (HEIZER, 1997, p. 82). No dia da corrida, (...), nao havia, como de costume, ninguém ali no Serviço de Repressao nem naqueles boxes lá do fundo, a nao ser os cavalos com seus respectivos cavalariços, pois nessa hora, todos os veterinários e empregados vao pra cerca ver a corrida.
O texto analisa as condições políticas e dispositivos comunicacionais que incidiram na disputa entre os candidatos a governador do estado do Rio Grande do Sul (RS) no 2o Turno das eleições de 2014: o ...candidato vencedor, José Ivo Sartori (PMDB), e seu adversário, Tarso Genro (PT), que pretendia a reeleição. A premissa é de que, em períodos eleitorais, a política se submete a quaisquer estratégias de marketing e propaganda, desde que sem danos à imagem pública dos candidatos e capazes de capturar e fidelizar o eleitor até a urna. Trata-se de um exercício sobre a o processo de construção do candidato ideal, do inimigo e do projeto político, a partir das competências do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE), para experimentar a hipótese de que o tempo delimitado e a urgência de mecanismos de persuasão constituem a equação da política provisória, determinada pela combinação entre a síntese política, a síntese pessoal e a síntese comunicacional que traduzem o projeto e o candidato.
The text analyzes the political conditions and communication devices that affected the dispute between the governor candidates for the Rio Grande do Sul state (RS) in the 2nd round of the 2014 elections: the winner, José Ivo Sartori (PMDB), and his opponent, Tarso Genro (PT), which wanted the re-election. The premise is that, during electoral periods, politics is submitted to any marketing and advertising strategies, since without damage to the public image of the candidates and able of capture and retain the voter. This article is an exercise about the construction process of the ideal candidate, the enemy and the political project, based on the Free Election Propaganda on TV (HGPE), to experience the hypothesis that the delimited time and the urgency of persuasion mechanisms constitute the equation of interim politics, determined by the combination of political synthesis, personal synthesis and communicational synthesis witch translates the project and the candidate.
Kontrolle durch Kooptation Lipman, Marija; Huterer, Andrea
Osteuropa (Stuttgart),
01/2018, Letnik:
68, Številka:
10/12
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Auf den ersten Blick verfügt Russland über eine vielfältige Medienlandschaft. Der Fernsehmarkt generiert enorme Umsätze. Doch von Meinungspluralismus kann keine Rede sein. Die Medien stehen unter der ...Kontrolle des Kreml. Dies gilt nicht nur für das Staatsfernsehen. Auch die Besitzer der wichtigsten privaten Medienhäuser sind mittlerweile enge Vertraute Vladimir Putins. Die Fernsehkanäle sind zu Werkzeugen der Propaganda und der Sedierung der Bevölkerung degeneriert. Die Printmedien haben jede Relevanz für die öffentliche Meinungsbildung und den politischen Entscheidungsprozess verloren. In Russlands konsolidiertem autoritärem System gibt es keine „vierte Gewalt“ mehr. Gleichwohl gibt es noch Inseln des seriösen und unabhängigen Journalismus.
At first sight, Russia has a diverse media landscape. The television market has become a huge business. However, there is certainly no multiplicity of opinions. The media are controlled by the Kremlin. Its tools are no longer censorship and force, but the co-optation of the media owners, the most important of whom are close associates of Vladimir Putin. The television channels have become propaganda tools and a means for sedating the general public. The print media have become entirely irrelevant when it comes to forming public opinion and the political decision-making process. In the consolidated, authoritarian system, there is no longer any ‘fourth power’. The media have lost their function as watchdog. However, islands of serious, independent and high-quality journalism still survive.
Making sense of war Weiner, Amir
2001., 20120116, 2012, 2000, c2001., 2001-01-01
eBook
In Making Sense of War, Amir Weiner reconceptualizes the entire historical experience of the Soviet Union from a new perspective, that of World War II. Breaking with the conventional interpretation ...that views World War II as a post-revolutionary addendum, Weiner situates this event at the crux of the development of the Soviet--not just the Stalinist--system. Through a richly detailed look at Soviet society as a whole, and at one Ukrainian region in particular, the author shows how World War II came to define the ways in which members of the political elite as well as ordinary citizens viewed the world and acted upon their beliefs and ideologies.
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