Using data from the first national probability sample of Black, White, and Latinx sexual minority people in the United States, we examined whether and how sexual identity development timing and ...pacing differs across demographic subgroups at the intersections of cohort, sex, sexual identity, and race/ethnicity. Among a sample of 1,491 participants aged 18-60 from 3 distinct birth cohorts, we measured participants' ages of sexual identity development milestones, including first same-sex attraction, first self-realization of a sexual minority identity, first same-sex sexual behavior, first disclosure to a straight friend, and first disclosure to a family member. Participants from more recent cohorts reported earlier and accelerated pacing of milestones relative to those from older cohorts. Subgroups defined by sex and sexual identity varied in milestone timing and pacing, with gay males reporting an earlier onset of some milestones than other subgroups. Those who used newer identity labels (e.g., pansexual, queer) reported younger ages of milestones relative to bisexual participants but similar ages to lesbian and gay participants. Black and Latinx participants reported some milestones at younger ages than White participants. Race-stratified models testing groups at the intersection of cohort, sex, and sexual identity revealed subgroup differences in ages of first disclosure to family, as well as differences in the time between self-realization, same-sex sexual behavior, and disclosure to a straight friend. The results suggest substantial variation in the developmental timing and pacing of milestones across social identities and the need to further examine how milestone timing is related to identity, stress, and health.
For over two decades, the minority stress model has guided research on the health of sexually-diverse individuals (those who are not exclusively heterosexual) and gender-diverse individuals (those ...whose gender identity/expression differs from their birth-assigned sex/gender). According to this model, the cumulative stress caused by stigma and social marginalization fosters stress-related health problems. Yet studies linking minority stress to physical health outcomes have yielded mixed results, suggesting that something is missing from our understanding of stigma and health. Social safety may be the missing piece. Social safety refers to reliable social connection, inclusion, and protection, which are core human needs that are imperiled by stigma. The absence of social safety is just as health-consequential for stigmatized individuals as the presence of minority stress, because the chronic threat-vigilance fostered by insufficient safety has negative long-term effects on cognitive, emotional, and immunological functioning, even when exposure to minority stress is low. We argue that insufficient social safety is a primary cause of stigma-related health disparities and a key target for intervention.
•Sexually- and gender-diverse (SGD) individuals have pronounced health disparities, typically attributed to excess stress.•In addition to excess stress, SGD individuals also experience insufficient social safety.•Social safety (social connection, inclusion, and protection) are fundamental human needs.•Those without sufficient social safety experience chronic threat-vigilance, which has negative long-term health effects.•To reduce SGD health disparities, we need to reduce minority stress while also increasing social safety.
Existing research depicts intergroup prejudices as deeply ingrained, requiring intense intervention to lastingly reduce. Here, we show that a single approximately 10-minute conversation encouraging ...actively taking the perspective of others can markedly reduce prejudice for at least 3 months. We illustrate this potential with a door-to-door canvassing intervention in South Florida targeting antitransgender prejudice. Despite declines in homophobia, transphobia remains pervasive. For the intervention, 56 canvassers went door to door encouraging active perspective-taking with 501 voters at voters' doorsteps. A randomized trial found that these conversations substantially reduced transphobia, with decreases greater than Americans' average decrease in homophobia from 1998 to 2012. These effects persisted for 3 months, and both transgender and nontransgender canvassers were effective. The intervention also increased support for a nondiscrimination law, even after exposing voters to counterarguments.
Introduction: Gender and sexual minority/minoritized groups are at a higher risk of substance misuse and related harm compared to the rest of the population. However, limited research has focused on ...understanding the extent of these issues and the support needs of all minoritized groups within the LGBTQ + population.
Methods: This qualitative cross-sectional survey sought to explore LGBTQ + individuals' perspectives on substance use and treatment experiences. Researchers used a manual thematic analysis approach to thoroughly study the data, examining each part closely to uncover themes and patterns. Co-produced with stakeholders and developed with input from LGBTQ + individuals with lived experience, the survey included 38 participants across the UK.
Results: Cannabis (83% n = 20), ecstasy (68% n = 15), and cocaine (67% n = 16) were commonly used substances, while some participants (19% n = 6) reported consuming high levels of alcohol. Many respondents highlighted the role of "stigma" and peer pressure within the LGBTQ + communities as a motivator for substance use. Participants expressed a preference for informal support due to fears of "discrimination" from formal treatment services.
Conclusions: The study underscores the need for research inclusive of all LGBTQ + groups and highlights the importance of tailored interventions that address the diverse needs of LGBTQ + individuals. Further exploration of peer-led interventions is necessary to assess their effectiveness. The findings emphasize the necessity of person-centered treatment approaches that recognize the heterogeneity of service users.
Introduction Previous research has investigated sexual orientation differences in the acoustic properties of individuals’ voices, often theorizing that homosexuals of both sexes would have voice ...properties mirroring those of heterosexuals of the opposite sex. Findings were mixed, but many of these studies have methodological limitations including small sample sizes, use of recited passages instead of natural speech, or grouping bisexual and homosexual participants together for analyses. Methods To address these shortcomings, the present study examined a wide range of acoustic properties in the natural voices of 142 men and 175 women of varying sexual orientations, with sexual orientation treated as a continuous variable throughout. Results Homosexual men had less breathy voices (as indicated by a lower harmonics-to-noise ratio) and, contrary to our prediction, a lower voice pitch and narrower pitch range than heterosexual men. Homosexual women had lower F4 formant frequency (vocal tract resonance or so-called overtone) in overall vowel production, and rougher voices (measured via jitter and spectral tilt) than heterosexual women. For those sexual orientation differences that were statistically significant, bisexuals were in-between heterosexuals and homosexuals. No sexual orientation differences were found in formants F1–F3, cepstral peak prominence, shimmer, or speech rate in either sex. Discussion Recommendations for future “natural voice” investigations are outlined.
To determine disparities in adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) by sexual identity in a national cohort of early adolescents.
We analyzed cross-sectional data from year 2 of the adolescent brain ...cognitive development study (N = 10,934, 2018–20, ages 10–14 years). Disparities in ACE scores across lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB), not sure, and heterosexual adolescents were assessed using multinomial logistic regression analyses. Logistic regressions estimated the associations between sexual identity and each individual ACE. Analyses were adjusted for potential confounders.
In adjusted models, LGB adolescents had a higher risk of experiencing 2, 3, or ≥4 ACEs (relative risk ratios RRR = 1.57, 95% CI 1.01–2.42), 3 (RR = 1.78, 95% CI 1.100–2.88), or ≥4 ACEs (RRR = 3.20, 95% CI 1.92–5.32), and not sure adolescents had a higher risk of having ≥4 ACEs (RRR = 2.17, 95% CI 1.22–3.87), compared to heterosexual adolescents. LGB and not sure adolescents had higher risks of reporting emotional abuse (“yes” OR = 4.21, 95% CI 1.84–9.61; “maybe” OR = 6.20, 95% CI 2.91–13.19) and parent mental illness (“yes” OR = 1.95, 95% CI 1.48–2.57; “maybe” OR = 1.63, 95% CI 1.21–2.18) compared to heterosexual adolescents.
LGB adolescents and those questioning their sexual identity were at greater risk of having higher ACE scores, with LGB adolescents experiencing the highest risk of experiencing ACEs. LGB adolescents also had higher odds of reporting emotional and parent mental illness. Recognizing this heightened risk of ACEs in early adolescence is critical for designing clinic and school-based interventions.
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