This article advances the historiography of port cities, waterfront trade unionism and imperial solidarity by comparing two distant places that, despite their colonial connections, are rarely ...juxtaposed: Britain and Australia. It investigates the relationship between the metropole and the periphery via the Great Dock Strike of 1889 in London (a 5-week dispute that ended in victory for the dockers) and the Australian Maritime Strike of 1890 (a 12-week strike that ended in defeat for the workers). This research shows how the responses to the strikes from the other side of the world reflected the characteristics of port cities and their waterfront workers. They were also largely determined by three neglected themes - the extent of colonial ties, the uses of the new telegraph network, and the impact of trade cycles - and how these themes influenced each other. The first theme develops and complicates Bernard Porter’s argument that Britons were indifferent towards imperial affairs. On the one hand, this article confirms his position by showing the asymmetry of imperial relations between the outward-looking Australians and the mainly inward-looking Britons. On the other, it demonstrates how imperial connections led to solidarity, and how Britain’s working-class leaders embodied an elitist imperial mindset. In doing so, this article draws new parallels between Britain’s working-class leaders and colonial administrators. Despite their different roles and educational backgrounds, both groups - imbued with a sense of imperial superiority - demonstrated a similarly paternalistic approach in their work overseas. Therefore, imperial solidarity in port cities is a prism through which the prevalence and impact of the British imperial ethos - a far wider subject - can be illuminated and assessed.
The aim of this paper is to investigate trade unionists leaders' perspective on Industry 4.0. Questionnaires and interviews were carried out. Two conclusions were pointed out: a fragmented ...understanding of the concept and the low participation of workers in the implementation process. Looking forward to a just transition, the improvement of either the conceptual grasp and the workers' participation are necessary.
Resumo: Este artigo apresenta a perspectiva dos dirigentes sindicais sobre o atual cenário da I4.0 no setor metalúrgico brasileiro. Foram aplicados questionários e realizada entrevista em uma amostra representativa. Evidencia-se i. compreensão fragmentada do conceito ii. baixo envolvimento dos tralhadores no processo de implementação. Conclui-se que ampliar a participação e o entendimento conceitual dos dirigentes faz-se necessário para que uma transição justa ocorra.
At the crossroads of artistic practice and activist action, popular dances and theatral shows contribute to both sociability and political action. During the interwar years, popular dances and ...theater shows are in the spotlight in the departments of Nord and Pas-de-Calais, which had a long-standing festive tradition. In a territory marked by coal mining and in which the mining companies and the Church strive to supervise the leisure and the life of the workers, the PCF and the organizations of the communist galaxy are interested in propaganda through entertainment, entrusted to small but active local groups.
At the crossroads of artistic practice and activist action, popular dances and theatral shows contribute to both sociability and political action. During the interwar years, popular dances and ...theater shows are in the spotlight in the departments of Nord and Pas-de-Calais, which had a long-standing festive tradition. In a territory marked by coal mining and in which the mining companies and the Church strive to supervise the leisure and the life of the workers, the PCF and the organizations of the communist galaxy are interested in propaganda through entertainment, entrusted to small but active local groups.
Global labour governance has typically been approached from either industrial relations scholars focusing on the role of organised labour or social movement scholars focusing on the role of social ...movement organisations in mobilising consumption power. Yet, little work has focused on the interaction of the two. Using an exploratory case study of the governance response to the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster, this article examines how complementary capacities of production- and consumption-based actors generated coalitional power and contributed to creating the ‘Accord for Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh’, making it binding and convincing more than 180 brand-name companies to sign up. The research has implications for understanding how the interface between production and consumption actors may provide leverage to improve labour standards in global supply chains.
In an historical approach and in the distinction between social movement and institution, the article deals with the relationships between Trade Union and the Nicaraguan State since the Sandinistas ...returned to power in 2007. Refering to the three-party labour relations pattern (between the State, the employers and the trade unions), the article first analyses Trade Union as a political and economical actor and next its function in the economic development model of the Sandinistas Government of Reconcilation and National Unity. Next this work focuses on the birth and development of the Confederation of Self-employed Workers. The article examines the ambivalence of a new form of Trade Union and how the state aims at organizing and in the end controlling most informal workers.
The “Revolución Cidadana” (Citizen’s Revolution) government that assumed power of Ecuador in 2007 opened a controversial and paradoxical scenario to recuperate the country’s sovereign character under ...a nationalist and developmentalist rhetoric at the same time that it applied a series of mechanisms directed at dismantling the political power of union actors that stated the fight against neo-liberalism in previous decades.In this article I analyze the reconfiguration of the relationship between the government and the unions of State-owned oil workers. I maintain that in the last decade, there operated a weakness to the trade unionism in the oil sector as a political subject by way of three mechanisms 1) reconfiguration of the institutionalization of the labor system and management of the workforce 2) transformation in management of the government petroleum sector and 3) substantial modifications in the system of political representation of the workforce and state impulse towards a union corporatism common to government.
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