U radu se temeljem arhivskih
izvora analizira obnova samostana i crkve sv. Marije u Zadru.
Samostan i crkva su tijekom
angloameričkog bombardiranja Zadra porušeni 1943./1944., a
ondašnje vlasti su ...1945. nisu
uspjele u svom naumu da svu imovinu i kompleks samostana sv.
Marije stave pod privremenu državnu
upravu. Od 1948. godine uz pomoć i inicijativu tadašnjeg
vodstva Jugoslavenske akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti započete su pripreme za obnovu. Crkva
sv. Marije je do 1959. uglavnom
obnovljena, ali samostan nije pa su 1960. sestre benediktinke
uputile molbu za obnovom. Obnovu
su priječile gradske vlasti pod izgovorom da je prema novom
urbanističkom planu na tom
mjestu planirana gradnja muzeja. Nakon godina pregovora s
gradskim i republičkim organima
dozvola za obnovu je ipak dobivena 1968. godine. Gradnja
obnove samostana trajala je do 1970.
godine kada su se benediktinke nakon dvadeset šest godina
vratile u svoj samostan. U
kompleksu sv. Marije na njihovu zemljištu 1972. izgrađena je
zgrada
u kojoj je smješten muzej crkvene umjetnosti u Zadru, službeno otvoren 1976.
godine.
Benedictine nunnery and church
of St Mary in Zadar were among the last historical and cultural monuments that
were renovated after the bombing of Zadar in the Second World War. Based on the
archival documents, the author analyses the renovation of the nunnery and church of St
Mary in Zadar. Immediately after the ending of the War, in 1945 new communist regime
did not succeed to expropriate all the possessions and nunnery of St Mary, and
putting them under provisional state management. Since 1948 the management of the Yugoslav
(Croatian) academy of sciences and arts started preparations for the renovation
of the nunnery and church, this renovation was completed by 1959, and mostly
financed by funds from the Academy. In 1960 Benedictine nuns wrote an appeal to the National Committee of the municipality of Zadar, but the answer was
negative since according to the urbanistic plan this location was prevised for the building of four new museums. Because of this, Benedictine nuns, together with
the Diocesan Ordinariate, represented by – at that time young – auxiliary
bishop Msgr Marijan Oblak, started long negotiations with municipal and republic authorities in
order to achieve a compromise solution regarding the renovation of the nunnery.
Unfortunately, negotiation with the municipal authorities was not successful,
so this question of the Benedictine nunnery renovation had to be further discussed
at the highest level between ecclesiastical institutions (Episcopal Conference and
Episcopate of the Social Federative Republic of Yugoslavia) and republic
institutions (Executive Council of the Socialistic Republic of Croatia). Moreover,
even the Vatican diplomacy, that is pope Paul VI, had to intervene to stimulate
these processes. After years of negotiations with municipal and republic
authorities, with constant intermediation of the Academy and its Institute in
Zadar, the situation regarding the renovation improved and the final agreement was
settled in 1965 (i.e., 1967). This agreement regarding the renovation of the
nunnery included the establishment of a permanent exhibition of the sacral art
within the monastery complex. Nuns returned to the renovated nunnery in 1970, that
is after 26 years of “exile”. Finally, the building of the museum for the
permanent exhibition of sacral art was finished in 1972, and the exhibition was opened for the public in 1976.
Dr. Viktor Ružić član je ugledne
riječke/sušačke hrvatske obitelji čiji su članovi pobornici pravaštva. Temelj
istraživanja je Ružićev tekst „Moje uspomene“ nastao 1968. koji doprinosi
stvaranju ...slike o njegovoj osobi i političkim događajima u kojima je uzeo
učešća. Njegovu mladost obilježava borba protiv mađarizacije, dolazak Frana
Supila, Riječka deklaracija 1905. i nastanak Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije. U
politiku se uključuje 1918. ulazeći u narodno vijeće Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba.
Tijekom talijanske okupacije Rijeke i Sušaka (1918.-1923./1924.) upozorava na
postupke iredentista te probleme pri uspostavi vlasti Kraljevstva SHS, osobito na uvođenje oblasti što je izazivalo sukobe između
hrvatskih političara i centralističkog režima u Beogradu. Važni su podatci o
izborima u Sušaku tijekom dvadesetih godina 20. stoljeća. Politički zenit dr.
Ružić doživljava tridesetih godina 20. stoljeća kada je obnašao dužnost bana
Banovine Savske i ministra pravde u vladi dr. Milana Stojadinovića. Nakon
vojnog poraza Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1941., tijekom talijanske
okupacije/aneksije dr. Ružić je interniran u Italiji, a u doba njemačke vojne
uprave od 1943. do 1945. sa skupinom građanskih političara pomaže stanovništvu,
ali se ne pridružuje antifašističkom pokretu na čelu s komunistima. Zato su
1945. protivnici višestranačkog sustava i pluralizma mišljenja „montiranim“
sudskim postupkom isključili dr. Ružića iz javnog života.
PhD. Viktor Ružić was a member of
distinguish Croatian family from Rijeka/Sušak who were supporters of The
Croatian Party of Rights. Fundament of research is Ružić’s text My memories he
wrote down in 1968 and which contributes to make picture upon his person, state
and legal events he participated. His adolescence was marked out by struggle
against “hungarisation”, arrival of Frano Supilo, The Rijeka Declaration in
1905 and emergence of The Croato-Serbian Coalition. He joined politics in 1918
becoming member of The National Council of Slovenians, Croats and Serbs. During
Italian occupation of Rijeka and Sušak (1918-1923/1924) he was warning upon acts of Italian irredenta and
problems of establishing administration of The Kingdom of SHS, particularly
implementation of districts that erased collision between Croatian politicians
and centralised regime in Belgrade. Notes about election in Sušak during third
decade of 20th century are important. PhD Ružić passed through his political
zenith during fourth decade of century when je hold governor’s position (ban) of The Banovina Savska and
minister of justice in government of PhD Milan Stojadinović. After military
defeat of The Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1941, during the Italian
occupation/annexion Ružić has been internmented in Italy and during German
military government 1943-1945 he was helping inhabitants of Sušak with group of
civil politicians, but he hadn’t joined anti fasict movement leaded by
communists. Therefore, opponents of polyparty system and pluralism of opinion
eliminated PhD Ružić from public life in a show trial 1945.
Concentrating on the formative years of the Cold War from 1943 to 1957, Patryk Babiracki reveals little-known Soviet efforts to build a postwar East European empire through culture. Babiracki argues ...that the Soviets involved in foreign cultural outreach tried to use "soft power" in order to galvanize broad support for the postwar order in the emerging Soviet bloc. Populated with compelling characters ranging from artists, writers, journalists, and scientists to party and government functionaries, this work illuminates the behind-the-scenes schemes of the Stalinist international propaganda machine. Based on exhaustive research in Russian and Polish archives, Babiracki's study is the first in any language to examine the two-way interactions between Soviet and Polish propagandists and to evaluate their attempts at cultural cooperation. Babiracki shows that the Stalinist system ultimately undermined Soviet efforts to secure popular legitimacy abroad through persuasive propaganda. He also highlights the limitations and contradictions of Soviet international cultural outreach, which help explain why the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe crumbled so easily after less than a half-century of existence.
As World War II ended, few Americans in government or universities knew much about the Soviet Union. As David Engerman shows in this book, a network of scholars, soldiers, spies, and philanthropists ...created an enterprise known as Soviet Studies to fill in this dangerous gap in American knowledge. This group brought together some of the nation's best minds from the left, right, and center. And this broad network, Engerman argues, forever changed the relationship between the government and academe, connecting the two in ways that still matter today.
The neutrality pact between Japan and the Soviet Union, signed in April 1941, lapsed only nine months before its expiry date of April 1946 when the Soviet Union attacked Japan. Japan's neutrality had ...enabled Stalin to move Far Eastern forces to the German front where they contributed significantly to Soviet victories from Moscow to Berlin. Slavinsky suggests that Stalin's agreement with Churchill and Roosevelt to attack Japan after Germany's surrender allowed him to keep Japan in the war until he was ready to attack and thus avenge Russia's defeat in the war of 1904-1905. The Soviet Union's violation of the pact and the detention of Japanese prisoners for up to ten years after the end of the war created a sense of victimization in Japan to the extent that there is still no formal Peace Treaty between the two countries to this day.Slavinsky draws on recently opened Russian archival material to demonstrate that the Soviet Union was passing information about the Allies to Japan during the Second World War. He also persuasively argues that vengeance and the (re)acquistion of land were the primary motives for the attack on Japan. The book contains empirical data previously unavailable in English and will fascinate anyone with an interest in the history of Japan, the Soviet Union and the events of the Second World War.
"This book presents, above all, a study of the establishment and development of the Soviet organization and system of fashion industry and design as it gradually evolved in the years after the Second ...World War in the Soviet Union, which was, in the understanding of its leaders, reaching the mature or last stage of socialism when the country was firmly set on the straight trajectory to its final goal, Communism. What was typical of this complex and extensive system of fashion was that it was always loyally subservient to the principles of the planned socialist economy. This did not by any means indicate that everything the designers and other fashion professionals did was dictated entirely from above by the central planning agencies. Neither did it mean that their professional judgment would have been only secondary to ideological and political standards set by the Communist Party and the government of the Soviet Union. On the contrary, as our study shows, the Soviet fashion professionals had a lot of autonomy. They were eager and willing to exercise their own judgment in matters of taste and to set the agenda of beauty and style for Soviet citizens. The present book is the first comprehensive and systematic history of the development of fashion and fashion institutions in the Soviet Union after the Second World War. Our study makes use of rich empirical and historical material that has been made available for the first time for scientific analysis and discussion. The main sources for our study came from the state, party and departmental archives of the former Soviet Union. We also make extensive use of oral history and the writings published in Soviet popular and professional press."
Masterpieces of History Svetlana Savranskaya, Thomas S. Blanton, Vladislav Zubok / Svetlana Savranskaya, Thomas S. Blanton, Vladislav Zubok
2010, 20100715, 2010-05-20
eBook
Odprti dostop
Twenty years in the making, this collection presents 122 top-level Soviet, European and American records on the superpowers’ role in the annus mirabilis of 1989. Consisting of Politburo minutes; ...diary entries from Gorbachev’s senior aide, Anatoly Chernyaev; meeting notes and private communications of Gorbachev with George H.W. Bush, Margaret Thatcher, Helmut Kohl and François Mitterrand; and high-level CIA analyses, this volume offers a rare insider’s look at the historic, world-transforming events that culminated in the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the end of the Cold War. Most of these records have never been published before.
The USSR was dominated by its ruling Communist Party, and the party was in turn dominated by a political elite that was represented in its Central Committee. Nearly two thousand individuals were ...members of the Central Committee between 1917 and 1991, who may be divided into four distinct political generations from the professional revolutionaries born in the late nineteenth century to the post‐war generation that was beginning to enter the political elite in the Gorbachev years. There were considerable variations over time in the characteristics of the Central Committee, including the extent to which its membership was replaced at successive party congresses. But a close relationship developed between particular occupational positions and Central Committee membership, a ‘job‐slot’ system that lasted until the final years of communist rule. The Central Committee as an institution was generally marginal to the political process. But it met more frequently and took more decisions in the 1920s and late 1980s, and on several occasions, its meetings were decisive in resolving leadership conflicts; they also ventilated policy alternatives, and sometimes disagreements. In the last years of communist rule, the elite sought increasingly to transform their positions of political power into the more enduring advantage of property, and this allowed many of them to maintain their elite status into the post‐communist period. As well as printed sources, the study draws on recently opened party archives and about a hundred interviews with members of the Brezhnev‐era Central Committee.
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