Democracy is retreating worldwide. As Freedom House reports, the US has not escaped this trend. The system of checks and balances of American democracy managed to thwart Trump’s assault on democracy. ...But together with longstanding institutional and structural defects, his presidency clearly indicates that American democracy is on the verge of political decay. Political polarisation, inequalities, identity politics and the inability of the two political parties to reach compromises are further testing the American democratic institutions. To avert decay, the US needs a reform coalition to bring about institutional changes; and more importantly, to establish inclusive economic policies and a renewed focus on citizenship, duty and a shared purpose.
Since the end of the Second World War, every US administration has promoted European recovery, transatlantic cooperation and joint defence. Common interests, together with common principles and ...values, constituted the bedrock of the post-war partnership between Europe and the US. NATO became an alliance of both interests and values. Today, however, the transatlantic partnership is facing a new series of challenges. Of these, two are of particular importance: one external, the other internal. The external challenge concerns the rise of two great revisionist powers, Russia and China, as well as Islamic terrorism. The internal challenge is the declining willingness of the US to defend the international order it created and the fracturing of the core of this system. These global shifts are forcing the Atlantic partnership to re-examine its common interests, its common values, its capabilities and its strategic objectives. This paper argues that there is a need for a new grand bargain that would lead to a more equal transatlantic partnership. The goals are stronger trade relationships through revitalised negotiations for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and a more even defence relationship that addresses both the question of burden sharing and the disparity in military capability between Europe and the US.
Greece’s economic crisis is a by-product of a deeper institutional, political and societal crisis. The crisis brought about a bailout programme conditional on fiscal and structural reform, as set ...forth in three successive memoranda of understanding between Greece and its creditors. The domestic political class accepted these memoranda, albeit reluctantly. After the initial response with its populist overtones and the subsequent long and tortuous process of adjustment, the country now seems close to a consensus on a minimum reform agenda. However, Greece needs a change of paradigm: a shift away from deep-rooted attitudes that have impaired the country’s tremendous potential, to a culture of reform and growth. Its political leadership has to come up with a plan, one embraced by the people, that will push the country out of the current catastrophic interlude and lead it into a new virtuous cycle.
This article analyses how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected the relationship between Europe and the US, and provides suggestions on how transatlantic cooperation should be taken forward. The ...pandemic has increased public distrust of the US in Europe due to the way the former has chosen to respond to COVID-19. However, this article argues that the pandemic has mainly accelerated existing transatlantic differences rather than creating new ones. To restore the transatlantic relationship, Europe and the US should strengthen their cooperation on common challenges such as climate change, health security, China, terrorism and migration. COVID-19 has highlighted the limitations of nationalist and unilateral policies in confronting global challenges. It may, in the end, provide the impetus for a rejuvenated transatlantic partnership and build a renewed sense of transatlantic solidarity.
Unfortunately, an error in the authors’ affiliation occurred: instead of “Constantine Karamanlis Institute for Democracy” it should read “Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy”.
The transition to democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina has proven extremely troublesome, as it overlapped with the complex post-conflict reconstruction process. Furthermore, the Dayton Peace Accords ...have provided Bosnia and Herzegovina with a rather incoherent institutional framework. In fact, the peace agreements created an asymmetrical confederation of highly autonomous, ethnically based entities coupled with weak central institutions. This situation has generated fragmentation and exclusion of minorities rather than reconciliation, triggering the worrying rise of a divisive national rhetoric. Consequently, reform attempts have been hampered by the defence of (perceived) national interests by different ethnic groups. Moreover, the international community has failed both in driving the reform process and in fostering talks to help local leaders achieve an agreement. In such a context, the much-needed constitutional reforms to establish a more efficient and cohesive governmental structure are still far from being achieved.
The subject of this dissertation is the process of change from military to civilian rule in Greece in 1974. My concerns are predominantly conceptual and analytic rather than descriptive. Three ...civil-military configurations of rule are identified in praetorian societies: a civil-military configuration, whereby both civilian and military actors have autonomous input in politics and where no relation of subordination exists between them; a civil-military configuration of military hegemony and civilian subordination; and a civil-military configuration of civilian hegemony and military subordination. My main concern lies with the analysis of the process of change from military to civilian hegemony. My principal assumption is that regime transitions are marked by uncertainty and structural fluidity. Structural variables define the parameters but do not determine the process or the outcome of regime change. Unlike revolutions, transitions are changes from above that bring about significant political changes but little, if any, immediate socioeconomic change. I conceptualize the process of transition from military to civilian hegemony as a set of strategic games among rational civilian and military actors promoting different transitional strategies. This study's aim is threefold: to explain regime transition in Greece; to suggest generalizations for transitions in other praetorian societies; and to apply game theory to civil-military relations.
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