Predmet rada je odnos Putinova opravdanja rata u Ukrajini, kao i njegovih vanjskopolitičkih i geopolitičkih stavova, s geopolitičkom misli ruskog filozofa Aleksandra Dugina. Od početka "specijalne ...vojne operacije" u veljači 2022. godine pobuđen je dodatni interes za razumijevanjem Duginovih geopolitičkih stavova i ruske svjetsko-povijesne misije, tj. njegova euroazijanizma, zbog čega je već ranije kontroverzni "Putinov mozak" postao čitano štivo zainteresiranih zapadnih javnosti. Dok su paralele između Duginovih tvrdnji i Putinovih, kao i uopće kremaljskih izjava zapanjujuće, u radu se nastoji prikazati njihova ideološka povezanost, radije nego li ikakav osobni utjecaj među njima. Cilj rada je filozofskog karaktera, a sastoji se u isticanju moralno-eshatoloških karakteristika Duginove geopolitičke misli i kritike Zapada, kao i njima komplementarnih karakteristika Putinova opravdanja rata u Ukrajini. Nakon toga, nudi se njihova kritika u svjetlu odnosa Duginova geopolitičkog i eshatološkog determinizma s jedne strane, i s druge strane, njegova zanemarivanja slobode djelovanja i odlučivanja koje su tim determinizmom isključene, a koje su nužni uvjet njegove moralne kritike Zapada.
The subject of the paper is the relationship between Putin's justification of the war in Ukraine, as well as his foreign policy and geopolitical views, with the geopolitical thought of Russian philosopher Alexandr Dugin. Since the beginning of the "special military operation" in February 2022 there has been a surge in interest for understanding Dugin's geopolitical views and the Russian world-historical mission, his Eurasianism, because of which the already controversial "Putin's brain" has become widely read in the West. While the parallels between Dugin's claims and Putin's, as well as Kremlin-issued statements in general, is staggering, the paper aims to show their ideological connections, rather than any possible personal relations between them. The goal of the paper is philosophical, and consists of highlighting the moral eschatological characteristics of Dugin's geopolitical thought and his critique of the West, as well as the complementary characteristics of Putin's justification of the war in Ukraine. Subsequently, the paper offers their critique in light of the relationship between Dugin's geopolitical and eschatological determinism on the one hand, and on the other, his neglect of the freedom of action and decision making which are precluded by his determinism, but are necessary conditions for his moral critique of the West.
Fenomen stida može se analizirati aparatom prirodnih, društvenih i humanističkih znanosti. Filozofske rasprave o fenom.enu i emociji stida protežu se od m.etafizičkih i antropoloških pa sve do ...društveno- političkih Etička analiza stida može biti m.etaetičkog karaktera, pri čemu bi se analizirao sam pojam ‘stid’ i njegova upotreba u moralnom jeziku; deskriptivnog karaktera, pri čemu bismo pitali u kojem moralnom kontekstu ljudi osjećaju stid Također, stid se može tematizirati kao predmiet individualne etike, i to u kontekstu pojedinačne savjesti, ili društvene etike, u kontekstu društvene moralne osude za neki čin čije moralne kakvoće pojedinac postaje svjestan upravo pojavom osjećaja stida. U ovom tekstu stidu se pristupa u kontekstu normativne etike, pokušajem odgovora na pitanje: Kada je prigodno osjećati stid? Kako bi odgovorio na to pitanje, autor poseže za etičko-političkom tradicijom društvenog ugovora. U ponuđenom odgovoru koji pokušava argumentirati tvrdi da je prigodno mjesto stida u onim instancama u kojima pojedinac prekrši implicitni ili ekplicitni, pisani ili nepisani ugovor s drugom stranom “Druga strana” može biti društvo u cjelini, Bog, priroda i planet, vlastiti spol, sam pojedinac. Ukratko, “drugu stranu” može predstavljati svaka zbilja koja u umu prekršitelja može predstavljati onog “drugog”.
The paper explores the relationship between the Principle of Double Effect (PDE) and Just War Theory (JWT), with emphasis on their relationship in the philosophy of Thomas Aquinas. Both PDE and JWT ...are of Medieval origin (the former with St. Thomas Aquinas and the latter with St. Augustine), and are classical exponents of medieval moral philosophy. The main connection between them is, however, that they can both be viewed as theories about permissible violence and harm, that is theories about when it is morally permissible to harm and possibly kill another human being. The final point of the paper is that PDE is an important element within JWT, or rather that when just war theorists manage to justify a certain types of violence they do so by extensive use of PDE. This only applies to one part of JWT,
jus in bello
, which concerns the actual morality of fighting, not the right to war itself. If these assumptions can be reasonably fleshed out, and if it is possible to show that PDE is of crucial importance to certain elements of
jus in bello
, such as methods for justifying civilian casualties, that would entail that our own moral examinations of warfare differ precisely because we either accept or don’t accept PDE as a viable and reasonable principle in normative ethics.
U radu autori tematiziraju pojam ruski svijet kao vrijednosni i civilizacijski koncept u službi ruske vanjske politike. Glavna ideja ruskog svijeta je da postoji odjelita ruska civilizacija koja je ...dominantna kulturi susjednih država, ali i zapadnoj civilizaciji od koje se bitno razlikuje u kulturnim i moralnim vrijednostima. Pojam ruskog svijeta ima dugu povijest koja počinje 1990-ih godina. Već u prvom desetljeću Putinove vladavine sadržajno se mijenja i promiče među središnje pojmove ruske vanjskopolitičke doktrine i prakse. Pojam ruskog svijeta je fluidan, njegovi su elementi često međusobno proturječni, a uživa značajnu podršku Ruske pravoslavne Crkve koja mu daje duhovni blagoslov i omogućava njegovo šire prihvaćanje. Također je prijeporan jer zemljama u susjedstvu ostavlja tek ograničenu suverenost u donošenju odluka, dok Rusiji služi kao sredstvo opravdanja intervencija u njihove unutrašnje poslove.
In this paper the authors approach the concept of the Russian “world” as a moral and civilizational concept in the service of Russian foreign policy. The main idea of the Russian world is that there is a distinct Russian civilization that is dominant to the cultures of neighboring countries, but also to that of Western civilizations from which it differs significantly in its cultural and moral values. The concept of the Russian world has a long history, beginning in the 1990´s. Since the first decade of Putin’s rule, its content changed and the concept has been promoted among the central concepts of Russian foreign policy doctrine and practice. The concept of the Russian world is fluid, its elements often contradict each other.The concept enjoys significant support from the Russian Orthodox Church, which gives it its spiritual blessing and enables its wider approval. It is also controversial because it leaves neighboring countries only limited sovereignty in their decision-making, while it serves Russia as a means of justifying interventions into their internal affairs.
The subject of this paper is to examine the role of morality in foreign policy decision making and action, while its goal is to argue that (1) morality plays an important role in the creation of ...foreign policy, and (2) that it is not possible to formulate a credible and intelligible foreign policy decision without moral considerations. In order to argue this point the author relies on the theoretical framework set by Edward Hallet Carr in his groundbreaking book The Twenty Years Crisis (1946), and reinforce his conclusions with an examination of one of the pivotal passages of Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War, the famous Funeral Oration delivered by the Athenian statesman Pericles. In conclusion, the author claims that even in international relations are completely amoral, as they are in the realist account, that foreign policy cannot be, due to the inability of formulating foreign policy without moral considerations.
The subject of this paper is to examine the role of morality in foreign policy decision making and action, while its goal is to argue that (1) morality plays an important role in the creation of ...foreign policy, and (2) that it is not possible to formulate a credible and intelligible foreign policy decision without moral considerations. In order to argue this point the author relies on the theoretical framework set by Edward Hallet Carr in his groundbreaking book The Twenty Years Crisis (1946), and reinforce his conclusions with an examination of one of the pivotal passages of Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War, the famous Funeral Oration delivered by the Athenian statesman Pericles. In conclusion, the author claims that even in international relations are completely amoral, as they are in the realist account, that foreign policy cannot be, due to the inability of formulating foreign policy without moral considerations.
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