Abstract
This article discusses the problem of evaluating socio-political interventions in language at the case of Croatian. From a theoretical point of view, definitions of such interventions, often ...called purism, are first analyzed and placed in the context of the ‘one standard axiom’ thesis. To determine why only some historical periods of intervention are labeled as purist, a brief comparative overview is provided of conflicting perspectives on interventions in the Croatian language made between 1918 and 1990. The author argues that partial historical analyses will always find that a particular regime pursued a policy of purism. Moreover, proponents of the Yugoslav period as normal adhere to the thesis of the existence of the ‘One Standard Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian Axiom,’ while their counterparts argue for the distinctiveness of the Croatian language from related South Slavic languages.
The article examines Slovenian liberal and clerical magazines to analyse the adaptations of the political narratives of the two main Slovenian political parties from the assassination in Sarajevo in ...1914 until early in the final stage of World War I in March 1918. Slovenian clericals, who gathered together in the Slovenian People's Party, reacted to the killings in Sarajevo by adopting a strong pro-Habsburg and anti-Serbian position. Their magazines even called for a military invasion of Serbia. In comparison, their primary political competitors on Slovenian soil, the Slovenian liberals congregated in the National Progressive Party and condemned the act of assassination, yet they were critical of the Austrian anti-Serbian policy for having escalated the war. These two Slovenian political parties were also divided on the issue of the future envisioned for the Slovenian nation within South Slavic state formations. The clericals pressed for realization of the trialist idea, which forecast a Croatian–Slovenian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy with its centre in Zagreb. The liberals, in contrast, dreamed of a larger South Slavic state that would bring all South Slavs together and have its centre in Serbia. The development of the war, chiefly the Entente's foreseeable victory, the threat of implementation of the London Pact, and the fact that Austrian Germans characterized all emancipatory Slovenian political movements as an anti-state element, all worked to force Slovenian clericals to cooperate with their pre-war enemies. The overriding aim was for them to retain their leading position among Slovenians by formally cooperating with the liberal stream, including taking over part of the liberal political strategy, in order to ensure that it was in the best possible position in the South Slavic state at end of the war.
Istraživanje percepcije znanja i korisnosti hrvatskoga jezika među slovenskim studentima na području ekonomije i poslovanja provedeno je s ciljem dobivanja relevantnih informacija na temelju kojih bi ...se mogla donijeti odluka o uvođenju izbornog predmeta
Hrvatski jezik za ekonomiju i poslovanje
u slovenski sveučilišni sustav. Rezultati pokazuju da hrvatski jezik kod proučavane populacije u kontekstu 21 stranog jezika zauzima drugo mjesto prema prosječnoj razini znanja i treće mjesto prema percepciji korisnosti ovladavanja jezikom. Kod proučavane studentske populacije ujedno postoji i razmjerno velik interes za učenje hrvatskog jezika, koji je kod te mlađe slovenske populacije jasno identificiran kao zaseban jezik.
The research of the perception of knowledge and usefulness of the Croatian language among Slovenian students in the field of economics and business was conducted with the aim of obtaining relevant information on the basis of which a decision could be made on introducing the elective course “Croatian language for economics and business” in the Slovenian higher education system. The results show that the Croatian language in the studied population takes second place (among 21 foreign languages) according to knowledge and third place according to the perception of the usefulness of language acquisition. At the same time, there is a relatively high interest among the Slovenian student population in the field of economics and business in learning the Croatian language. The results also indicate a changed attitude towards the Croatian language in Slovenian society, and that younger Slovenians make a clear distinction between the Croatian and other South Slavic languages.
The article analyses the issue of Yugoslav–Bulgarian unification within the broader idea of a Balkan (con)federation from the aspects of internal and external stakeholders. The author describes the ...key interwar factors and events impacting the formation of states in postwar South-east Europe and, building on this, identifies the primary motives for/against the idea of a Balkan (con)federation with respect to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP), the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union. In the second part, the role of this idea during the period of Yugoslav and Bulgarian rapprochement immediately after the war is analysed and the major events determining the dramatic turnaround in the Bulgarian–Yugoslav relationship in 1948, when the idea was abandoned, are presented. It is argued that the Yugoslav side tried to take advantage of the (con)federal idea to manoeuvre between the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom, which on the other hand were never very keen on a Yugoslav–Bulgarian state. The BCP showed somewhat greater interest, primarily due to the Macedonian issue. Bulgaria had to follow Moscow’s policy almost entirely, hoping this would lead to Soviet support in obtaining anti-fascist ally status and resolving internal problems with the Bulgarian opposition. From this perspective, promoting the (con)federative alliance with Yugoslavia was the Bulgarian communists’ strategy for accomplishing the nationalistic aim of not completely losing Macedonia. Provided Bulgaria would be an equal part of the dual federation, the BCP had no problem even ceding Pirin Macedonia to the unified socialist Republic of Macedonia.
The article presents the idea of a third unit in the Habsburg Monarchy prior to World War I as seen through the eyes of Slovenian liberals. The author presents the broader political context in which ...the concept emerged and then analyses the reactions of various political groups amid national tensions in the Balkans. Extracts of two liberal Slovenian newspapers, Edinost (Trieste) and Soča (Gorizia), are examined with respect to the key geopolitical dilemmas and interests of different stakeholders affected by the new geopolitical construct. It is argued that trialism was chiefly an attempt by Austria to curtail the power of Hungary. The majority of Slovenians and Croatians initially supported the idea because it implied their political emancipation. On the other side were the Hungarians, Italians and Serbs who saw the idea as a threat to their national interests. In terms of South Slavic relations, trialism represented a new battlefield for the Catholic and Orthodox visions of Yugoslavism. With further development of the concept, first and foremost due to Austria's ambitions to satisfy the Italians and leave Trieste and Gorizia outside of the imagined third unit, the idea introduced tension into Croatian–Slovenian relations and led to a fresh dispute in the Slovenian political sphere between liberals and conservatives. Finally, the advocates of trialism were unable to gain sufficient internal support within the Habsburg Monarchy, which thereby preserved the status quo and the dual regime until the monarchy's collapse during war.
This article aims to present the motives of the geopolitical restructuring of South-East Europe at the end of World War II with an emphasis on relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In this ...context, the author first identifies the interwar interests of four involved parties, namely: the Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaderships, and the political representatives of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. In the second part, the author describes the development of the idea of Yugoslav-Bulgarian integration after the War, first during the period of rapprochement between two communist parties, and then in the period of the Cominform crisis and the dramatic turnaround in their relations. Besides different macro- -geopolitical visions, the author also identifies significant differences in motives at the micro-geopolitical level. Contrary to the proclaimed idea of the 'South Slavic Brotherhood', the Communist Party of Yugoslavia perceived the idea foremost as a maneuvering tool in its relations with the UK and the Soviets, while the Bulgarian Communist Party used the (con)federal idea for pursuing multi-layered interests. It was primarily a part of the strategy for resolving the Macedonian question, but the alliance with Yugoslavia was also a tool for protecting Bulgarian territories in the relations with Greece, and consequently leverage for strengthening the internal position of Bulgarian communists in the post-war consolidation process.
Prispevek proučuje problematiko spremljanja rezultatov učenja v organizacijskem kontekstu in poskuša ponuditi odgovor na vprašanje, zakaj in kako na organizacijski ravni spremljamo učinkovanje ...načrtovanega učenja na uspešnost. S pomočjo pregleda literature na področju poslovnih ved avtor sistematizira razprave in ugotavlja, da pri tem zaradi kompleksnosti in zahteve po uporabi različnih metodoloških prijemov še vedno obstaja veliko nesoglasij. Kljub temu meni, da je spremljanje nujno, saj je prvi pogoj za identifikacijo pomembnih točk dela, pojasnjuje pričakovanja vodstva do zaposlenih in spodbuja njihovo kreativnost. V sklepu avtor poudarja, da je pri spremljanju treba poznati kontekst organizacije, proces načrtovanega učenja in njegove rezultate pa je treba spremljati večdimenzionalno ter na več ravneh. Pri tem je nujno ohraniti enostavnost izvedbe spremljanja in razumljivost ugotovitev.
This article aims to disclose the role of strategic factors in the context of a sport club performance. We used 73 basketball clubs from four countries and tested the relationships between four ...segments of variables (grouped into: a) environmental factors’ set, b) strategic factors’ set, c) human resource management (HRM) factors’ set, and d) behavioral factors’ set) and two different aspects of organizational performance: 1) top-sport-financial and 2) recreational-non-financial performance. The conduction of multiple regression analyses resulted with disclosure of significant direct effect of the strategic factor on both aspects of the sport clubs performance. The results offer explanation how the strategic planning enhances the performance. Better results are achieved by the clubs that pursue specific organizational goals linked to only one aspect of performance. While the theoretical contribution reflects through the evaluation of the importance of different sets of organizational performance factors, from the practical perspective tis study discloses complementary organizational objectives and those organizational aims which are, from an aspect of sport club performance, in contradiction with each other.
Based on the liberal Slovenian newspapers from Trieste (Edinost) and Gorizia (Soča), the paper focuses on the idea of introducing the third state unit in the Habsburg Monarchy before the First World ...War. The author first presents the broader context in which the concept was formed and then analyses the comments of two newspapers on the reactions of various political groups, their ambitions, and the national tensions that arose in the context of discussing the proposed reform. The author argues that the trialist concept was, foremost, an Austrian attempt to federalize the Habsburg Monarchy in order to reduce the strength of Hungary. At the beginning of the 20th century, the majority of Slovenes and Croats, including the Slovene liberals from Trieste and Gorizia, supported this idea because it implied their political emancipation. On the other hand, Hungarians, Italians, German nationalists, and Serbs saw this concept as a threat to their own national interests. In the further development of the trialist concept, due to Austria’s ambitions to satisfy the Italians, Trieste and Gorizia were excluded from the imagined third unit, which led to tensions between the Slovenian liberals and conservatives, and in the Croatian-Slovenian relations as well. The Slovenian liberals from Trieste and Gorizia began to advocate the idea of a broader federalism, where the Habsburg Monarchy would have more than three federal units, while in the context of South Slavic relations they were inclined to Serbian state visions.
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