Criticizing mainstream media for their ‘lies’ or ‘fake news’ has become a common political practice on the radical right. Further empirical research is needed to better understand the intricacies of ...these attacks on media, in particular for the way they relate to criticism of the political system as a whole and to matters of political representation. How do radical right actors construct a sense of political misrepresentation through their critique of media, and how does this allow them to make representative claims? This is what we explore in this article through a discourse analysis of the Flemish radical right youth movement Schild & Vrienden. Drawing inspiration from constructivist theories of representation, we explore the entanglement in empirical practice between two dimensions of representation: 1) between its literal meaning (as ‘portrayal’) and its political meaning (as standing or speaking for), and 2) between representation and misrepresentation. With our analysis, we shed light on the increasing politicization of the media as a non-electoral space of representation and misrepresentation, and on the role played by media criticism in the radical right’s broader (meta)political strategies.
Resentment is a complex, multi-layered emotion, within which perceptions of unfairness and feelings of anger are central. When linked to politics, it has predominantly been associated with the ...alleged “crisis of representative democracy” and populism. However, recent studies have shown that resentment can intervene positively in people’s relations to politics and political institutions by facilitating certain types of political participation (Capelos & Demertzis, 2018). Despite this, the concept of resentment, and hence its role in contemporary representative democracy, is often poorly defined, with empirical investigations of its manifestation(s) remaining scarce. Borrowing a conceptualization of resentment as “resentful affectivity,” our article draws on the analysis of focus groups carried out in Belgium (2019–2020) with individuals where resentful affectivity is likely to be observed (i.e., contemporary movements of contestation such as the Yellow Vests, Youth for Climate, and individuals who occupy a socially disadvantaged position). We find that experiences of intense anger, fear, disappointment, and the unfairness of representative democracy, i.e., of how representative democracy works on the ground, coexist simultaneously with remaining hopes in the democratic system. We show how this complex blend of emotions confronts citizens with what we call a “democratic dilemma.” We document the different ways in which citizens cope with this dilemma and conclude by highlighting both the positive and negative ways in which resentment intervenes in the contemporary “crisis of representative democracy.”
Despite a political context marked by affective explicitness and an ongoing affective turn in social sciences, representation theory rarely takes affects and emotions into account. In this article, I ...respond to this gap by focusing on indignation, as a key affect of the crisis of representation. Building on recent constructivist theories of representation and affect theory, I unpack three affective dynamics of indignation which play a constitutive role in representation: affective imitation, affective transformation and the creation of affective publics. I conclude by raising normative questions on the role of indignation, and affect at large, in theories and practices of representation.
The dramatic impacts of climate change have pushed thousands of young activists to shout out their indignation. These mobilizations have become the symbol of our 'tipping era': a clash of worlds ...between attachments to modernity and attempts to become 'terrestrial' (Latour, 2018) to stay within ecological boundaries. In this field, there has been an increasing body of theoretical work but empirical research is still in its infancy, providing little evidence of this ongoing struggle and what we can learn from the young activists' indignation. This article responds to this gap by exploring the case of Youth for Climate (YfC), the Belgian branch of the Fridays for Future movement. In particular, I show how their indignation, expressed in a narrative form, is pivotal to understand the competition between the modern and the terrestrial imaginary within the movement. Based on survey data, participant observations and focus groups, I conduct a two-level analysis. First, I find that the YfC indignation produces three inter-related stories: of unworthy politics, economic abuse and human survival. Second, I reveal how the affectivity of these stories articulates the competition between the modern and the terrestrial imaginary: from hope in the existing political institutions which anchors them in the modern imaginary, to compassion and fear which open a more terrestrial imaginary of collapse. Together, rather than mere competition, these stories reveal an ongoing oscillation and intersection between the modern and the terrestrial.
Recent climate activism has played a key role in denouncing the unsustainability of representative democracy. Previous research has investigated the attitudes of climate activists towards ...representative institutions along the conceptual distinction between 'environmental' and 'ecological' democracy. Yet, little attention has been paid to climate activists' critique of capitalism and how it relates to demands for democratic reform. Our paper addresses this gap by conducting a mixed-method analysis of protest survey data collected in Belgium in 2019. Our findings show that activists display low levels of trust towards representative institutions, but still abide by the ideals of environmental democracy within the boundaries of existing institutions. At the same time, we observe a widespread critique of capitalism, signaling attraction towards the ideals of ecological democracy. Overall, our findings challenge the binary distinction between environmental versus ecological democracy, and raises normative questions about the role of environmental social movements in economic and democratic reform.
Fin 2018, la France connaît un soulèvement populaire sans précédent, motivé dans un premier temps par le refus de l’augmentation du prix des carburants automobiles. Pour se reconnaître, les individus ...concernés endossent un gilet de haute visibilité, le fameux « gilet jaune ». Rapidement, la mobilisation s’étend à la Belgique, principalement à Bruxelles et à la Wallonie. Ce mouvement, ou plutôt ces mouvements, en renouvelant les modalités de la mobilisation, rebattent les cartes de l’analyse. Leur caractère spontané, apartisan sans être apolitique, interroge les rapports qui se nouent entre Gilets jaunes et syndicats d’une part, entre Gilets jaunes et institutions d’autre part. Force est ainsi de constater qu’à des aspirations démocratiques de plus en plus affirmées répondent une répression policière et des sanctions judiciaires inégalées. La confrontation entre terrain belge et terrain français, les enquêtes et les observations sociologiques, les entretiens individuels ou collectifs, les portraits d’individus mobilisés et les photographies de terrain sont autant d’outils utilisés dans cet ouvrage pour tenter de redonner une parole longtemps confisquée aux principaux acteurs de cette mobilisation : les Gilets jaunes eux-mêmes.
The De Gruyter Handbook of Citizens’ Assembly showcases the state of the art of Citizens’asembly and opens new perspectives informed by multidisciplinary research and new thinking about deliberative ...participatory processes.
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