Karlo Dieneš, an amateur photographer and pharmacist from Nova Gradiška, left us with a valuable collection of photographs which offers plenty of research opportunities. This research focuses only on ...their social role. In this paper, we ask three questions: what motifs did he photograph and to what had he aspired in doing so, how did photographs and photography impact his social connections and status, and, finally, how could he present them to the public and thus influence the visual culture of his era.
Odgovorit ću – barem oblikovanjem teksta – na način kako je to ponekad radio ovdje nekoliko puta spomenuti Anthony D. Smith, kojeg držim izuzetno inspirativnim za sve koje zanima problem nacije. U ...raspravama je pisao jasno, pregledno i kratko, a misli je volio usustaviti po točkama. Nadam se da mogu slijediti barem ovo posljednje.
The extent of human suffering and loss of life during World War II gave a new dimension to the matter of guilt for war crimes and the need to punish their perpetrators. Therefore, near the end of the ...war and in its immediate aftermath, a process that’s known under several names in professional literature – reprisal or retribution, purges or, more recently, transitional justice
– took place in all the countries involved in the war. Summarising the research published to date, we can conclude that the post-war policy of reprisal was marked by three new processes: first, a new definition of war crimes and extraordinary courts as the executors of the new legal principle; second, the massive scale of punishment; and third, this was the first time that heads of state were put on trial.Research on the history of wartime collaboration and the post-war process of reprisal has shown the decisive influence of politics on punishment for war crimes and various categories of guilt. In all European countries, Western or Eastern, it was politics that, based on their strategy for building a future, made the decisions regarding the intensity, scale, and duration of retribution. They determined how to combine politics and law, i.e. they determined the balance between punishing perpetrators and creating a future, rebuilt and integrated society. The countries of Western Europe quickly saw that harsh punishment and other forms of excluding former collaborators prevents the rebuilding of society and the stability of the state. Therefore, punishment of collaboration was massive, but it was implemented quickly and the punishments were relatively mild. On the other hand, in the countries that would comprise the future Eastern Bloc, the process was exactly the opposite, since dealing with nazism and fascism was also used as a pretext for conducting a social (socialist) revolution. The “enemies” included not only collaborators, but also opponents of the revolution, and the “purging” process was conducted on a much greater scale. Even though the information in literature is incomplete, Croatia/Yugoslavia can without a doubt be compared to the states where reprisal against collaboration, but also against broadly-defined “enemies of the people”, was at its harshest according to the number of people killed in purges, the number of people put on trial, and the punishment the leaders of the defeated collaborator regime were subjected to.
U članku je istražena kampanja u kojoj se promjenom „anacionalnih“ (mađarskih, njemačkih i talijanskih) imena željelo pokazati integriranost službene „jugoslavenske nacije“. Istraženi su tijek ...kampanje, držanje njenih nositelja, oblici otpora te razlozi neuspjeha. Pokazano je kako je kampanja, koju je nametao državni vrh i to u vrijeme omrznute diktature, naišla na otpor čak i onih koji su je trebali provoditi (prvenstveno Banska uprava, Statistički ured i općinski odbori). Iako se nije radilo o otvorenom iskazivanju neslaganja, razni oblici izbjegavanja pristanka pokazali su se dovoljno učinkovitima da se kampanja rastegne do vremena u kojem su promijenjene političke okolnosti značile njen kraj.
U članku su analizirane osnovne karakteristike poratne politike retribucije/odmazde u Europi, pri čemu su izdvojena tri obilježja: a) nova defi nicija ratnoga zločina i izvanredni sudovi kao ...provoditelji novoga pravnog načela; b) masovnost kažnjavanja; c) suđenje državnim poglavarima. Na temelju literature donesen je usporedni prikaz retribucije, a u tom je kontekstu prikazano i kažnjavanje kolaboracije u Hrvatskoj/ Jugoslaviji.
ABSTRACT IN CROATIAN: U clanku je istrazena kampanja u kojoj se promjenom "anacionalnih" (ma/arskih, njemackih i talijanskih) imena zeljelo pokazati integriranost sluzbene "jugoslavenske nacije". ...Istrazeni su tijek kampanje, drzanje njenih nositelja, oblici otpora te razlozi neuspjeha. Pokazano je kako je kampanja, koju je nametao drzavni vrh i to u vrijeme omrznute diktature, naisla na otpor cak i onih koji su je trebali provoditi (prvenstveno Banska uprava, Statisticki ured i opcinski odbori). Iako se nije radilo o otvorenom iskazivanju neslaganja, razni oblici izbjegavanja pristanka pokazali su se dovoljno ucinkovitima da se kampanja rastegne do vremena u kojem su promijenjene politicke okolnosti znacile njen kraj. // ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH: The article explores the campaign which sought to show the integrity of official 'Yugoslav nation' through changing the 'non-national' (Hungarian, German and Italian) place names. It was shown that the campaign, which was imposed by the State Government, a hated dictatorship at the time, met resistance even on the part of those who were supposed to implement it (primarily Banovina administration, Statistics Bureau and municipal councils). Although there was no open display of disapproval, various forms of avoiding compliance proved to be effective enough for the campaign to stretch as long as it took for the changed political circumstances to mark its end.
The article explores the campaign which sought to show the integrity of official “Yugoslav nation” through changing the “non-national” (Hungarian, German and Italian) place names. It was shown that ...the campaign, which was imposed by the State Government, a hated dictatorship at the time, met resistance even on the part of those who were supposed to implement it (primarily Banovina administration, Statistics Bureau and municipal councils). Although there was no open display of disapproval, various forms of avoiding compliance proved to be effective enough for the campaign to stretch as long as it took for the changed political circumstances to mark its end.
Autonomy is today, perhaps more than ever, a current issue in the European Union and Croatia. Contemporary discussions have revealed that the successful application of this principle depends heavily ...on tradition. Therefore, it is important to know one’s own history, because it can reveal the roots of current issues. The Croatian tradition of self-administration shows negative tendencies, that is, an uneven distribution of privileges to the benefit of central state authorities.
The process of state centralization began with the creation of a modern state administration back in the 19th century, at a time when Croatia was a part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. However, since the Monarchy was until its end, an ancien regime state, a balance was achieved between state centralization and regional or local self-administration. In the research carried out for this article, the author draws attention to the destruction of the tradition of autonomous administration at the time of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes/Yugoslavia. Using the example of the municipal administration of Brod on the Sava (Slavonski Brod after 1934), the political manoeuvrings by which the law of autonomous municipal administration was circumvented is reconstructed. The specific research topic is the elections to the municipal council, because electoral freedom is a precondition for any kind of autonomous administration.
Through research, a distinction is drawn between the periods preceding and following the introduction of the dictatorship of King Alexander (1929). Prior to this turning point, municipal elections were held in Brod. However, unless the results were favourable, they were manipulated using political means (electoral manipulation, the disabling of post-election coalitions), meanwhile the municipal administration for the city was directly appointed (royal commissioner, secretary). The period is characterized by yearly extraordinary elections (1924-1928), which rendered the normal administration of the city unworkable, and habituated the institution of direct administration by the appointees of the royal government. During the first decade, on twelve occasions Brod was administered by a royal appointee, and of the three times in which there was an elected mayor, on only one occasion did that mayor serve a complete mandate. After 1929, elections for the municipal representation (municipal council after 1934) were not held at all. Instead, right until the end of the interwar period, appointed mayors and councillors administered Slavonski Brod. This article shows the varieties of appointments that were made to the municipal administration: Royal commissioners of the old type, who administered without representation (1919-29), appointed mayors and councillors (1929-1939; 1940-1941), and commissioners of the Croatian Banovina, who administered in conjunction with the Advisory Council (1939-1940).
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