Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja razvoja i demokratizacije glavne obavještajne službe Argentine u razdoblju od 1946. do 2001. Autori koriste tradicionalni historijski i institucionalni pristup, a rad ...se nalazi na razmeđi
obavještajnih studija i studija demokratizacije. Teza autora glasi: nakon što
je glavna obavještajna argentinska služba, kao jedan od najmoćnijih izvanustavnih veto aktera, uspjela postići svoj glavni cilj – da ne bude kažnjena
za zločine koje je počinila tijekom vojne vladavine – dobrovoljno se podvrgnula predsjednicima koji su je, kao i autokratski prethodnici, uglavnom
koristili za ostanak na vlasti.
The paper presents a case study of the development and democratization of Argentina’s main intelligence agency in the period from 1946 to 2001. The authors use a traditional historical and institutional approach, and the paper is located at the intersection of intelligence and democratization studies. The author’s thesis is - after Argentina’s main intelligence service, as one of the most powerful non-constitutional veto actors, managed to achieve its main goal - not to be punished for crimes committed during military rule - it voluntarily submitted to presidents who, as well as autocratic predecessors, mostly used it to stay in power.
Članak prikazuje sedam desetljeća peronizma i njegove ideološke trans-formacije. U prvom poglavlju izlažu se osnovne karakteristike populizma u Latinskoj Americi, dok drugo i treće analiziraju ...politiku karizmatičnih lidera peronističke stranke – Juana Peróna, predstavnika klasičnog populizma, te Carlosa Menema, predstavnika neoliberalnog populizma. Posljednje poglavlje posvećeno je ideologiji i politici bračnog para Nestora i Cristine Kirchner. Svi navedeni peronistički lideri su, ovisno o političkoj situaciji, manevrirali između lijeve i desne političke opcije. Činjenica da jedan populistički pokret, peronizam, može jednostavno mijenjati svoj sadržaj govori u prilog tezi da populizam predstavlja slabo utemeljenu ideologiju. Autorica to dokazuje na primjeru ekonomskog nacionalizma i suprotstavljanja elitama i „opasnim drugima“ te zaključuje da, iako su zastupali različite ideologije, peronizam, menemizam i kirchnerizam imaju znatno više sličnosti nego razlika.
The focus of this comparative study is on the use of soft power in the digital public diplomacy of two Global South players, Brazil and India, in EU member states. The main objective of this ...research is to find out how their embassies use digital diplomacy in communication through their official websites and to identify which soft power resources they dominantly use. Quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis were used to analyze the categories and subcategories on the main menu and special banners on each embassy’s home page, and the associated content. Unlike the Indian embassies, which fully embraced digital diplomacy 2.0, the Brazilian embassies do not utilize the full potential of digital diplomacy and primarily remain reliant on websites only. According to this research, the Brazilian embassies in the EU use film as a dominant soft power resource in their digital diplomacy, while the Indian embassies use yoga as a powerful diplomatic tool. Still, both approaches are not enough to attract European publics. There remains a lot of space for improvement and better usage of soft power resources and digital public diplomacy potentials in communicating the powers of Brazil and India in EU countries.
Diplomacija u međunarodnim odnosima Kos-Stanišić, Lidija; Domjančić, Stjepan
Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva,
2021, Volume:
18, Issue:
1
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
Namjera autora članka je upoznati hrvatsku akademsku i stručnu javnost sa specifičnim oblikom diplomacije – vojnom odnosno obrambenom diplomacijom. prvi odjeljak članka posvećen je diplomaciji kao ...sastavnom dijelu međunarodnih odnosa kao grane politologije, odnosno razlikovanju diplomacije od diplomatskih studija, drugi povijesti vojne i nastanku obrambene diplomacije, treći njenim zadaćama i osobitostima u 21. stoljeću, četvrti terminološkim nedoumicama između vojne i obrambene diplomacije, dok je posljednji odjeljak posvećen razvoju vojne diplomacije u republici Hrvatskoj. autori zaključuju da je diplomacija dio međunarodnih odnosa kao grane politologije, ali i to da međunarodni odnosi ne polažu monopol na diplomaciju, dok analizom definicija i zadaća diplomacije čiji su glavni akteri vojni ili obrambeni izaslanici, autori zaključuju da vojna diplomacija i obrambena diplomacija predstavljaju dvije faze razvoja vojno/obrambene diplomacije. Zbog promjene njezinih osnovnih zadaća, do pada berlinskog zida 1989. obavještajne aktivnosti bile su prioritetna djelatnost vojne diplomacije, dok je u poslijehladnoratovskom razdoblju težište obrambene diplomacije na unapređenju odnosa, partnerstvu i suradnji među državama, stoga je tijekom 1990-ih došlo do promjene naziva diplomacije. vezano za republiku Hrvatsku, autori smatraju da se iz povijesnih i tradicionalnih razloga i dalje koristi termin vojna diplomacija, iako se pod tim imenom obavljaju zadaće obrambene diplomacije.
The aim of the authors of the article is to familiarize the croatian academic and professional public with a specific form of diplomacy – military or defense diplomacy. the first section of the article is dedicated to diplomacy as an integral part of international relations as a subfield of political science, i.e. to the distinction between diplomacy and diplomatic studies; the second to the history of military diplomacy and the origins of defense diplomacy, the third to its tasks and peculiarities in the 21st century. the last section dedicated to the development of military diplomacy in the republic of croatia. the authors conclude that diplomacy is part of international relations as a subfield of political science, but also that international relations do not hold a monopoly on diplomacy. by analyzing the definitions and tasks of diplomacy whose main actors are military or defense attachés, the authors conclude that military diplomacy and defense diplomacy represent two stages of development of military/defense diplomacy. Due to the change of its basic tasks, until the fall of the berlin Wall in 1989, intelligence activities were a priority activity of military diplomacy, while in the post-cold War period the focus of defense diplomacy was on improving relations, partnership and cooperation between states. regarding the republic of croatia, the authors argue that for historical and traditional reasons the term military diplomacy is still used, although the tasks of defense diplomacy are performed under this name.
The main objective of this article was to examine how Germany, Italy and Spain practice digital public diplomacy in Eastern Partnership and Central Asia countries in 2022, i.e., how they promote ...their countries through their embassies’ Facebook profiles. Three research questions posed by the authors were: 1) Which social networks and applications have embassies of Germany, Italy, and Spain used in the countries of Eastern Partnership and Central Asia to inform and communicate with different audiences?; 2) Which soft power tools were dominantly communicated by the German, Italian, and Spanish embassies on Facebook profiles in countries of Eastern Partnership and Central Asia during 2022 to promote their own countries?; and 3) Are digital diplomacy tools of Germany, Italy, and Spain, that they utilize to promote their own countries and communicate with the public of Eastern Partnership and Central Asia, following their foreign policy focus? The authors have used quantitative content and thematic analysis to answer these questions. The results were presented with the use of descriptive statistics. The authors’ findings indicated that digital diplomacy 2.0 is standard practice for Germany and Italy in Eastern Partnership and Central Asia. Less information was available regarding Spain’s digital diplomacy efforts. The research’s findings further demonstrated that Germany and Italy exhibit greater interest in the Eastern Partnership and Central Asian countries compared to Spain, which was concordant with their foreign policy focuses.
The focus of this comparative study is on the use of soft power in the digital public diplomacy of two Global South players, Brazil and India, in EU member states. The main objective of this research ...is to find out how their embassies use digital diplomacy in communication through their official websites and to identify which soft power resources they dominantly use. Quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis were used to analyze the categories and subcategories on the main menu and special banners on each embassy’s home page, and the associated content. Unlike the Indian embassies, which fully embraced digital diplomacy 2.0, the Brazilian embassies do not utilize the full potential of digital diplomacy and primarily remain reliant on websites only. According to this research, the Brazilian embassies in the EU use film as a dominant soft power resource in their digital diplomacy, while the Indian embassies use yoga as a powerful diplomatic tool. Still, both approaches are not enough to attract European publics. There remains a lot of space for improvement and better usage of soft power resources and digital public diplomacy potentials in communicating the powers of Brazil and India in EU countries.
Bila je izuzetno aktivna u strukovnim udruženjima kao jedna od osnivačica Atlantskog vijeća Republike Hrvatske, Centra za meðunarodne studije i Hrvatske udruge za meðunarodne studije (HUMS), te ...članica upravnog vijeća Instituta za meðunarodni mir i Austrijskog instituta za europske studije (AIES) iz Beča.Studijski se usavršavala u inozemstvu, a predavala je i na američkim sveučilištima (Florida State University i St. Edwards University) te izlagala na brojnim znanstvenim i stručnim konferencijama.Jer "nijedan čovjek nije otok, sasvim sam za sebe; svaki je čovjek dio kontinenta, dio Zemlje; ako more odnese grudu zemlje - Evrope je manje, kao da je odnijelo kakav rt, posjed tvog prijatelja ili tvoj vlastiti, smrt svakog čovjeka smanjuje mene, jer sam obuhvaćen u čovječanstvu.
This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the ...Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants.
The paper presents a case study of the development and democratization of Argentina’s main intelligence agency in the period from 1946 to 2001. The authors use a traditional historical and ...institutional approach, and the paper is located at the intersection of intelligence and democratization studies. The author’s thesis is - after Argentina’s main intelligence service, as one of the most powerful non-constitutional veto actors, managed to
achieve its main goal - not to be punished for crimes committed during military rule - it voluntarily submitted to presidents who, as well as autocratic predecessors, mostly used it to stay in power.
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