Članak obrađuje pitanje aktualnosti »stare« političke teologije njemačkog jurista Carla Schmitta koja, upriličena kao »sociologija juridičkih pojmova«, a potom i kao »stasiologija«, potkrjepljuje ...njegovu decizionističku teoriju države i realpolitičku teoriju međunarodnih odnosa. Autor se u tome ponajprije oslanja na znanstveni rad istaknutog hrvatskog politologa Davora Rodina, koji se i sam dotaknuo iste teme prije više od trideset godina. Uz Rodinovu raščlambu Schmittove kritike liberalne demokracije, posebna pozornost se posvećuje problemu legitimnosti liberalno-demokratskog političkog poretka te važnosti proceduralne uspostave političke vlasti uslijed nesumjerljivosti teorije i prakse. Uvažavajući Rodinov argument da stremljenje k političkoj transcendenciji, to jest, poistovjećivanju »auctoritas« u »potestas«, vodi uspostavi totalitarne države, ovaj članak propituje kako liberalna demokracija danas i u budućnosti može osigurati vjerodostojnost u očima javnosti ponad tek zakonske zaštite ljudskih prava i građanskih sloboda. Ujedno, zagovara aktualnost nove političke teologije Johanna Baptista Metza, koja obrazlože mjesto vjere u svijetu bez nijekanja humanističkog duha i postignuća novovjekovlja.
The article addresses the relevance of the political theology of the German jurist Carl Schmitt, which, formulated as »the sociology of legal concepts«, and also as »stasiology«, underpins his decisionist theory of the state as a plebiscitary democracy and Realpolitik theory of international relations. The author primarily relies on the scientific work of prominent Croatian political scientist Davor Rodin, who himself wrote on the same topic more than thirty years ago. Alongside Rodin’s analysis of Schmitt’s critique of liberal democracy, special attention is paid to the problem of the legitimacy of the liberal-democratic political order and the importance of the procedural formation of government due to the incommensurability of theory and practice. Acknowledging Rodin’s argument that striving for political transcendence, that is, conflating auctoritas with potestas, leads to the establishment of the totalitarian state, this article questions how liberal democracy today and in the future can secure its legitimacy in the eyes of the public beyond purely legal protection of human rights and civil liberties. At the same time, it argues in the favour of the new political theology of Johann Baptist Metz, which tries to explain the relationship of the faith to the world without denying the humanistic spirit and achievements of the modern age.
Članak uspoređuje političke teologije Carla Schmitta i Johanna Baptista Metza kako bi upozorio na analognost tih dvaju naizgled različitih projekta, koji uza sve sličnosti stoje u kontrapunktu kad je ...riječ o namjeri njihovih začetnika. Njihova analognost proizlazi iz same strukture političke teologije kao refleksije nad odnosom religije i politike. Tako su obje političke teologije naglašeno formalno-strukturne, razrađujući metafizički i hermeneutski okvir za analizu svoga materijalnoga objekta. Isto tako usvajaju jednu negativnu teološku antropologiju kojom ističu rizičnost čovjekove egzistencije. Konačno, Schmitt i Metz oslanjaju se na remetilačko-kritički element političke teologije – to da se društveno-politički život cijele zajednice nalazi u povratno-sprežnom odnosu s vjerskim uvjerenjima njezinih pripadnika – kako bi upozorili kako čovjekova subjektnost nije ograničena samo na povijest, već ju i transcendira.
The article compares the political theologies of Carl Schmitt and Johann Baptist Metz to point out the analogy between these two seemingly different projects, which, despite all the similarities, stand in counterpoint when it comes to the intention of their founders. Their analogy stems from the very structure of political theology as a reflection on the relationship between religion and politics. Thus, both political theologies are structural in nature, developing the metaphysical and hermeneutic framework to analyze their material object. Likewise, they adopt a negative theological anthropology to emphasize the adverse nature of human existence. Finally, Schmitt and Metz rely on the disruptive-critical element of political theology – the fact that the sociopolitical life of the entire community lies in a reciprocal relationship with the religious beliefs of its members – to point out how man’s subjectivity is not limited to history but transcends it.
Članak razmatra usporedne teme između nove političke teologije Johanna Baptista Metza i pastoralno-teološkoga pristupa pape Franje tražeći dublju poveznicu ponad zajedničkoga nasljeđa Drugoga ...vatikanskoga sabora. Kroz usporedbu postidealističke teološke paradigme nove političke teologije, kao i njezine zadaće da bude »teološkom hermeneutikom političke etike«, te Papinih pastoralnih načela iz apostolske pobudnice
Evangelii gaudium
, ukorijenjenih u argentinskoj »teologiji naroda«, ovaj članak ustanovljuje kako Metza i Svetoga Oca veže naglasak na povijesnoj svijesti u teološkoj refleksiji, točnije, kako su izričaj pologa vjere i oblici življenja vjere uvjetovani društveno-povijesnim prilikama, zbog čega se spasenje ne može razmatrati zasebno od težnje za slobodom, mirom i pravdom. Iz toga proizišla Metzova teodicejski izražena osjetljivost na patnju i Papino isticanje Božjega milosrđa također se međusobno nadopunjuju.
The article examines parallel themes between the new political theology of Johann Baptist Metz and the pastoral-theological approach of Pope Francis seeking a deeper connection beyond the common heritage of the Second Vatican Council. By comparing the post-idealist theological paradigm of the new political theology, as well as its task of being the »theological hermeneutics of political ethics«, and the Pope’s pastoral principles from the apostolic exhortation
Evangelii gaudium
, rooted in the Argentine »theology of the people«, the article concludes that Metz and the Holy Father share the emphasis on historical consciousness in theological reflection, more precisely, that the expression of the deposit of faith and the practice of faith are conditioned by socio-historical circumstances which is why salvation cannot be considered separately from the pursuit of freedom, peace, and justice. From this, Metz’s theodically expressed sensitivity to suffering and the Pope’s emphasis on God’s mercy also complement each other.
Po mnogočemu upitne epidemiološke mjere s kojima su vlasti tijekom pandemije COVID-19 ograničile javni i privatni život, osporile su mnoge predodžbe o nepovredivosti prava i sloboda građana, kao i o ...poslušnosti autoritetu države. Riječ je o problemu nesumjerljivosti slobode i zakona kroz dilemu između osobnih prava i zahtjeva općeg dobra. Stoga ovaj članak ispituje kako izvanredna situacija, poput pandemije, utječe na percepciju vjerodostojnosti države. Pritom se oslanja na neke ključne elemente iz političke teologije Carla Schmitta, kao što su »iznimka«, »sociologija juridičkih pojmova«, »narav suvereniteta«, formalni kriterij političkog kao specifičnog načina mišljenja i djelovanja te »stasiološka« narav onog političkog.
In many ways, questionable epidemiological measures by which the authorities restricted civic and private life during the COVID-19 pandemic have challenged many implied notions of the inviolability of citizens’ rights and freedoms, as well as obedience to state authority. It is a problem of the incommensurability between freedom and law seen through the conflict between personal rights and the demands of the common good. This article examines how a state of emergency, such as a pandemic, affects the perception of the legitimacy of the State. In this, it relies on some key concepts from Carl Schmitt’s political theology, such as the “exception”, “the sociology of legal concepts”, the “nature of sovereignty”, the formal criterion of the political as a specific way of thinking, and acting and “stasiological” nature of the political.
The article examines parallel themes between the new political theology of Johann Baptist Metz and the pastoral-theological approach of Pope Francis seeking a deeper connection beyond the common ...heritage of the Second Vatican Council. By comparing the post-idealist theological paradigm of the new political theology, as well as its task of being the »theological hermeneutics of political ethics«, and the Pope’s pastoral principles from the apostolic exhortation Evangelii gaudium, rooted in the Argentine »theology of the people«, the article concludes that Metz and the Holy Father share the emphasis on historical consciousness in theological reflection, more precisely, that the expression of the deposit of faith and the practice of faith are conditioned by socio-historical circumstances which is why salvation cannot be considered separately from the pursuit of freedom, peace, and justice. From this, Metz’s theodically expressed sensitivity to suffering and the Pope’s emphasis on God’s mercy also complement each other.
The article compares the political theologies of Carl Schmitt and Johann Baptist Metz to point out the analogy between these two seemingly different projects, which, despite all the similarities, ...stand in counterpoint when it comes to the intention of their founders. Their analogy stems from the very structure of political theology as a reflection on the relationship between religion and politics. Thus, both political theologies are structural in nature, developing the metaphysical and hermeneutic framework to analyze their material object. Likewise, they adopt a negative theological anthropology to emphasize the adverse nature of human existence. Finally, Schmitt and Metz rely on the disruptive-critical element of political theology – the fact that the sociopolitical life of the entire community lies in a reciprocal relationship with the religious beliefs of its members – to point out how man’s subjectivity is not limited to history but transcends it.
This article lays out views on war and peace in parallel from the perspectives of Carl Schmitt’s political theology and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. For Schmitt, war is crucial for the ...survival of the state and is its inalienable right. The Church points out the inhumanity of war and considers peace, alongside social justice, to be the responsibility of the international community. Both recognize the need for the moral and legal regulation of war to allow for the prospect of peace, though for different reasons.
Carl Schmitt u svojoj političkoj teologiji razumije suverenost kao sekularnu analogiju Božje transcendencije na kojoj počiva legitimnost političke vlasti. Zbog polemičke naravi politike nemoguće je izbjeći uspostavu neosporenoga autoriteta i moć države kao Hobbesova “smrtnoga boga”. Budući da je temeljni kriterij političkoga raspoznavanje između prijatelja i neprijatelja, zadaća države nije samo spriječiti političko nasilje među građanima, nego i donijeti presudnu odluku o proglašenju rata i sklapanju mira s drugim nacijama. Kako je rat pitanje opstanka, država ne može tu odgovornost odbaciti ili prenijeti na drugoga. Stoga je trajni mir nemoguć, ali se postupanje u ratu može regulirati te tako spriječiti “totalni rat”. Katolička crkva pak osuđuje nečovječnost rata i gomilanje oružja masovnoga uništenja te poziva na izgradnju zajednice naroda koja bi se vodila međusobnom solidarnošću, a ne geopolitičkim interesima. No Crkva se opet nije odrekla svojega tradicionalnoga nauka o pravednom ratu zbog još uvijek prevladavajuće sklonosti k upotrebi sile kao sredstva rješavanja političkih sporova. Ipak, Crkva se u okviru svojih napora oko promicanja društvene pravednosti ne susteže ohrabrivati nenasilne načine smirivanja i razrješavanja sukoba. Predanost Katoličke crkve miru u svijetu izričaj je njezine eshatološke nade, iščekivanja Kraljevstva Božjega u kojem pravda i mir neće biti tek odsustvo nasilja.
Ovaj članak razmatra odnos slobode savjesti i javnoga značaja religije, njezine važnosti po društveno–politički život. Polazeći od “stare” političke teologije Carla Schmitta i nove političke ...teologije Johanna Baptista Metza, kao i od Deklaracije o slobodi vjerovanja Dignitatis humanae, pitanje slobode savjesti smješta se u kontekst sustavne refleksije o odnosu vjere i svijeta. Cilj je iznijeti kako politička teologija vrjednuje slobodu savjesti ponad čisto tehničkoga rješenja odvajanja Crkve i države.
Freedom of conscience is the foundation of the modern notion of freedom and moral autonomy. Therefore it has historically called into question obeisance to the external authority of religion and obedience to the state supported by religion in its area of competence. This article examines how political theology sees freedom of conscience and whether it could come to terms with the public role of religion as the propagator of public moral order. To this end, the article sources from the “old” political theology of Carl Schmitt and the new political theology of Johann Baptist Metz, as well as the Declaration on Freedom of Religion Dignitatis Humanae promulgated at the Second Vatican Council, to examine this issue through a systematic reflection on the relation of the faith to the world. In conclusion, freedom of conscience is not merely a proclamation of sovereignty of the individual but also infers a moral duty to one’s fellow man. It follows that freedom of conscience makes possible not only human rights under the rule of law, but also a way for religion, its concern for shared moral values and Man’s transcendent purpose, to be realized practically in the shared concern for Mankind. Such a synthesis of morality and politics goes beyond the institutional separation of Church and State as well as other conflicts of interest in public life or the notion of politics as just a managerial tehnique.
Carl Schmitt u svojoj političkoj teologiji razumije suverenost kao sekularnu analogiju Božje transcendencije na kojoj počiva legitimnost političke vlasti. Zbog polemičke naravi politike nemoguće je ...izbjeći uspostavu neosporenoga autoriteta i moć države kao Hobbesova “smrtnoga boga”. Budući da je temeljni kriterij političkoga raspoznavanje između prijatelja i neprijatelja, zadaća države nije samo spriječiti političko nasilje među građanima, nego i donijeti presudnu odluku o proglašenju rata i sklapanju mira s drugim nacijama. Kako je rat pitanje opstanka, država ne može tu odgovornost odbaciti ili prenijeti na drugoga. Stoga je trajni mir nemoguć, ali se postupanje u ratu može regulirati te tako spriječiti “totalni rat”. Katolička crkva pak osuđuje nečovječnost rata i gomilanje oružja masovnoga uništenja te poziva na izgradnju zajednice naroda koja bi se vodila međusobnom solidarnošću, a ne geopolitičkim interesima. No Crkva se opet nije odrekla svojega tradicionalnoga nauka o pravednom ratu zbog još uvijek prevladavajuće sklonosti k upotrebi sile kao sredstva rješavanja političkih sporova. Ipak, Crkva se u okviru svojih napora oko promicanja društvene pravednosti ne susteže ohrabrivati nenasilne načine smirivanja i razrješavanja sukoba. Predanost Katoličke crkve miru u svijetu izričaj je njezine eshatološke nade, iščekivanja Kraljevstva Božjega u kojem pravda i mir neće biti tek odsustvo nasilja.