The historical studies presented here examine four ideologies--Leninism, Trotskyism, anarchism , and anti-imperialism-- still with us, if diffusely. They attempt to overcome the legacies of the ...Second, Third and Fourth Internationals, and of "real existing socialism", in the Soviet Union and elsewhere.
To better understand the diverse inheritance of Islamic movements in present-day Turkey, we must take a closer look at the religious establishment, the ulema, during the first half of the twentieth ...century. During the closing years of the Ottoman Empire and the early decades of the Republic of Turkey, the spread of secularist and anti-religious ideas had a major impact on the views and political leanings of the ulema. This book explores the intellectual debates and political movements of the religious establishment during this time.
Bein reveals how competing visions of development influenced debates about reforms in religious education and the modernization of the medreses. He also explores the reactions and changing attitudes of Islamic intellectuals to the religious policies of the secular republic, and provides a better understanding of the changes in the relationship between religion and state. Exposing division within the religious establishment, this book illuminates the ulema's long-lasting legacies still in evidence in Turkey today.
This book addresses the treaties, crises and other issues that seem to be turning points in Russian-Turkish relations, reflecting on Russian and Turkish archival documents and resources. Over six ...chapters, it analyses Russian-Turkish relations from the First World War up to the present time, presenting information on issues that include the causes of the First World War and Turkey's entrance into the War, internal power struggles, establishment of I.V. Stalin's rule, Turkey-Soviet relations from 1960 to 1980, and also Glasnost and Perestroika and Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin's rise to power.
Historiography traditionally accepts periodization which considered the First World War as an absolute watershed in the European history as a whole. This text, through a collection of essays by ...Italian and foreign specialists, seeks to investigate the premises and the results of the First World War in a vast area ranging from the Balkans to the Caucasus normally underrated by historiography, focusing on a series of problems (of ethnic, cultural or political character) which due to their complexity must be faced in an overall framework that takes into account the pre-war period and the first two decades of the twentieth century. The works reveal a very complex and stimulating picture, which leads us to reflect on long-term events and problems that involved all the countries that participated to the regional events, full of consequences for the peoples who lived there.
Between 1914 and 1922, millions of Europeans left their homes as a result of war, postwar settlements, and revolution. After 1918, the immense movement of people across Germany's eastern border posed ...a sharp challenge to the new Weimar Republic. Ethnic Germans flooded over the border from the new Polish state, Russian émigrés poured into the German capital, and East European Jews sought protection in Germany from the upheaval in their homelands. Nor was the movement in one direction only: German Freikorps sought to found a soldiers' colony in Latvia, and a group of German socialists planned to settle in a Soviet factory town.
In The Impossible Border, Annemarie H. Sammartino explores these waves of migration and their consequences for Germany. Migration became a flashpoint for such controversies as the relative importance of ethnic and cultural belonging, the interaction of nationalism and political ideologies, and whether or not Germany could serve as a place of refuge for those seeking asylum. Sammartino shows the significance of migration for understanding the difficulties confronting the Weimar Republic and the growing appeal of political extremism.
Sammartino demonstrates that the moderation of the state in confronting migration was not merely by default, but also by design. However, the ability of a republican nation-state to control its borders became a barometer for its overall success or failure. Meanwhile, debates about migration were a forum for political extremists to develop increasingly radical understandings of the relationship between the state, its citizens, and its frontiers. The widespread conviction that the democratic republic could not control its "impossible" Eastern borders fostered the ideologies of those on the radical right who sought to resolve the issue by force and for all time.
Women Activists between War and Peace employs a comparative approach in exploring women's political and social activism across the European continent in the years that followed the First World War. ...It brings together leading scholars in the field to discuss the contribution of women's movements in, and individual female activists from, Austria, Bulgaria, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Russia and the United States.
The book contains an introduction that helpfully outlines key concepts and broader, European-wide issues and concerns, such as peace, democracy and the role of the national and international in constructing the new, post-war political order. It then proceeds to examine the nature of women's activism through the prism of five pivotal topics:
* Suffrage and nationalism
* Pacifism and internationalism
* Revolution and socialism
* Journalism and print media
* War and the body
A timeline and illustrations are also included in the book, along with a useful guide to further reading. This is a vitally important text for all students of women's history, twentieth-century Europe and the legacy of the First World War.
The Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) were the largest political party in Russia in the crucial revolutionary year of 1917. Heirs to the legacy of the People's Will movement, the SRs were unabashed ...proponents of peasant rebellion and revolutionary terror, emphasizing the socialist transformation of the countryside and a democratic system of government as their political goals. They offered a compelling, but still socialist, alternative to the Bolsheviks, yet by the early 1920s their party was shattered and its members were branded as enemies of the revolution. In 1922, the SR leaders became the first fellow socialists to be condemned by the Bolsheviks as "counter-revolutionaries" in the prototypical Soviet show trial.InCaptives of the Revolution,Scott B. Smith presents both a convincing account of the defeat of the SRs and a deeper analysis of the significance of the political dynamics of the Civil War for subsequent Soviet history. Once the SRs decided to openly fight the Bolsheviks in 1918, they faced a series of nearly impossible political dilemmas. At the same time, the Bolsheviks fatally undermined the revolutionary credentials of the SRs by successfully appropriating the rhetoric of class struggle, painting a simplistic picture of Reds versus Whites in the Civil War, a rhetorical dominance that they converted into victory over the SRs and any left-wing alternative to Bolshevik dictatorship. In this narrative, the SRs became a bona fide threat to national security and enemies of the people-a characterization that proved so successful that it became an archetype to be used repeatedly by the Soviet leadership against any political opponents, even those from within the Bolshevik party itself.In this groundbreaking study, Smith reveals a more complex and nuanced picture of the postrevolutionary struggle for power in Russia than we have ever seen before and demonstrates that the Civil War-and in particular the struggle with the SRs-was the formative experience of the Bolshevik party and the Soviet state.
This book illuminates an important and largely overlooked aspect of early Nazi history, going back to the years after World War I—when National Socialism first emerged—to reveal its close early ties ...with Catholicism. Although an antagonistic relationship between the Catholic Church and Adolf Hitler's regime developed later during the Third Reich, the early Nazi movement was born in Munich, a city whose population was overwhelmingly Catholic. Focusing on Munich and the surrounding area, the book shows how Catholics played a central and hitherto overlooked role in the Nazi movement before the 1923 Beerhall Putsch. It examines the activism of individual Catholic writers, university students, and priests and the striking Catholic-oriented appeals and imagery formulated by the movement. It then discusses why the Nazis embarked on a different path following the party's reconstitution in early 1925, ultimately taking on an increasingly anti-Catholic and anti-Christian identity.
Aftermaths of War Sharp, Ingrid; Stibbe, Matthew
2011, Volume:
63
eBook
This volume of essays provides the first major comparative study of the role played by women's movements and individual female activists in enabling or thwarting the transition from war to peace in ...Europe in the crucial years 1918 to 1923.
