The paper analyses the current Slovenian political and economic situation through interpretations of old socialist regime's modernisation. Right after the Yugoslavian disintegration, namely in the ...beginning of transition, the Slovenian starting position was the best, compared to other Yugoslavian countries and among other transitional countries. Between 1990/1991 and 2008 Slovenia seemed to be a politically more or less stable and economically well performing country. But after 2008 a negative trend hit the whole society, causing political instabilities and economic stagnation, reflected in negative macroeconomic indicators (i.e. GDP, GDP p.c. FDIs, unemployment, government debt, etc.). Could such a situation be explained on the basis of a long lasting socialist regime? If these suppositions are to be confirming, why do other transitional countries, which were subjected to a tougher communist regime, seem to be performing better nowadays?
Kvitas Nr. 880350 serija D, išd. Marceliniui Šventickui, gyv. Skurvių apyl. „Tarybinio artojo“ kolūkyje. Blankas atspausdintas lietuvių ir rusų k., užpildytas pieštuku lietuvių k., yra mokesčių ...agento antspaudas.
Kvitas Nr. 5691669 serija B, išd. Marceliniui Šventickui, gyv. Skurlių apyl. „Naujo gyvenimo“ kolūkyje. Blankas atspausdintas lietuvių ir rusų k., užpildytas pieštuku lietuvių k., yra mokesčių agento ...antspaudas.
For a century, economists have driven forward the cause of globalization in financial institutions, labour markets, and trade. Yet there have been consistent warning signs that a global economy and ...free trade might not always be advantageous. Where are the pressure points? What could be done about them? Dani Rodrik examines the back-story from its seventeenth-century origins through the milestones of the gold standard, the Bretton Woods Agreement, and the Washington Consensus, to the present day. Although economic globalization has enabled unprecedented levels of prosperity in advanced countries and has been a boon to hundreds of millions of poor workers in China and elsewhere in Asia, it is a concept that rests on shaky pillars, he contends. Its long-term sustainability is not a given. The heart of Rodrik's argument is a fundamental 'trilemma': that we cannot simultaneously pursue democracy, national self-determination, and economic globalization. Give too much power to governments, and you have protectionism. Give markets too much freedom, and you have an unstable world economy with little social and political support from those it is supposed to help. Rodrik argues for smart globalization, not maximum globalization.
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