This essay sets out to reflect on the prospective transformation of two Italian panoptical buildings that straddle the border between different places and times: the prison of Ventotene and the ...hospital of Gorizia. Local authorities have recently put forward a proposal to turn the former into a European school and the latter into a European prison. Both of these hermetic, unbending architectures have particular historical significance. Ventotene is the island where Altiero Spinelli was incarcerated by the Fascist regime and wrote the manifesto that paved the way for the process of European integration. Gorizia is the town where Franco Basaglia began his career, elaborating the theory of mental health that led to the closing of all Italian asylums. The proposed Europeanisation of these structures of confinement and isolation, which embody the exercise of disciplinary power in its most extreme form, speaks to the problem of opening the total institutions of modern statehood and repositioning them within the increasingly decentralised, indeterminate order of the European Union.
No como ironía de la historia, sino como resultado feliz de una estrategia diseñada en Bonn, esa despolitización de las relaciones bilaterales durante el franquismo iba a ser la clave que permitiría ...a la RFA ejercer su influencia positiva en un proceso de transición dirigido por una elite de la dictadura que, empezando por el propio monarca, había aprendido a ver en los alemanes sus más fiables y comprensivos socios en Europa. De ello da buena cuenta el artículo de Christian Salm, Limbering up Sister Parties' Europeanization: Transnational Socialist Networks in the Portuguese and Spanish Transitions to Democracy and Accession to the European Community. El autor muestra el predominio alemán en todas estas iniciativas y pone de manifiesto su importancia crucial para el PSOE de Felipe González y el PS de Mario Soares. El autor muestra cómo durante los primeros años de la transición en que el PSOE se benefició de la ayuda del SPD, Felipe González y sus compañeros fueron interiorizando las razones de los alemanes, sin por ello dejar de manifestar sus simpatías por las de los franceses.
The role of the EU in the promotion of Europeanization and the EU political identity in potential member states of Eastern Europe prior to the 2004 enlargement was important for these states’ future ...acceptation in the EU community. However, most research and literature have discounted the role of the EU and its attractiveness in the countries neighbouring with the EU that did not have a prospect of joining the EU in 2004. This article studies the process of formal and informal Europeanization in Ukraine before and after the Orange revolution, which occurred five months after the bloc’s 2004 enlargement, and Euromaidan of 2013. Despite the EU’s passive leverage in Ukraine between 2004 and 2013, and the country’s weak prospects for potential membership, the EU’s soft power of attractiveness was still an effective tool that was used by Ukrainian political elite and media in promoting informal Europeanization after the 2004 enlargement. Furthermore, confidence in the EU was associated with support for such liberal values as human rights, tolerance of minorities, and political efficacy. This article posits that notwithstanding weak incentives and support offered from the EU to implement formal Europeanization in Ukraine, the EU attractiveness was successfully applied by local elite and media to promote the informal Europeanization.
Emphasizing Poland and its relations with Ukraine, this paper applies a Europeanization framework to examine the uploading of external relations policies by EU members. It argues that as enlargement ...has shortened the list of countries to which the EU has made membership commitments, normative entrapment will not be at work in its external relations, nor address the more fractious nature of EU decision-making brought on by a larger and more diverse membership. This results in strategic behaviour by EU members and more laboured decision making, which can be expected, in general, to complicate the EU's external relations. Simply put, the coalition building that is so central to EU policymaking is more difficult following the eastward enlargement. However, because the new members vote, collaborate, and build coalitions in favour of closer ties to these eastern neighbours, complications from enlargement should be far less pronounced in the eastern policy than with other ENP countries. This comes despite striking shortcomings by Poland in the administrative capacity and elite socialization that normally characterize those member states who often succeed at projecting their preferences onto EU policy. All of this means that one can expect an eastward shift in the focus of the EU's external relations, and a deepening of its differentiated approach to external relations.
The aim of the article is to analyze the impact of referenda on the increase in the popularity of anti-European sentiments in Switzerland on the example of the activity, in particular during selected ...referendum campaigns, of the Swiss People's Party (Schweizerische Volkspartei, SVP). Two research hypotheses will be examined in the article: leading - H1: The Swiss People's Party uses anti-European slogans to build its position on the political scene; and auxiliary - H2: the Swiss anti-European narrative is primarily related to migration issues. In order to verify or falsify the hypotheses, the following research questions were posed: Q1: Which dimensions of Europeanization arouse the greatest controversy and political disputes in Switzerland?; Q2: What are the programmatic and organizational specifics of the Swiss People's Party?; Q3: What means does the Swiss People's Party use in referendum campaigns ?; Q4: Are there, and if so, what, specific features of the Swiss anti-European narrative ? The answers to the research questions will be contained in the following parts of the text. In the summary, research hypotheses will be resolved and conclusions will be presented.
This thesis is an exploration of the EL, one of the pan-European party federations, which is concurrently one of the most recently-launched transnational parties. The work explores the theoretical ...literature on Europeanisation of parties and applies a three-pronged theoretical framework, involving the theoretical insights of Johansson and Raunio, Charalambous’ ‘communist dilemma’, as well as discourse analysis to the EL and some of its most important national components. These are constituted by the Greek Coalition of the Radical Left, the French Communist Party, the Spanish United Left, and the Italian Rifondazione Comunista. The analysis covers the pan- European level, seeking to reconstruct the EL’s vision of the European Union, as well as its organisational and ideological capacity to influence the Union’s direction, and its degree of institutionalisation and Europeanisation. Concurrently, it addresses the national level, involving the aforementioned case studies of Greece, France, Spain, and Italy, as well as the internal party dimension by seeking to evaluate the importance of the parties’ long-standing factions with regards to the parties’ stance towards the process of European integration. Its most salient findings relate to the high degree of convergence between the parties under analysis, both with regards to their ideological core, as well as their policy proposals, something that could initially verify the argument of policy transfer between national and European level. Moreover, the thesis findings suggest that the financial crisis that has been affecting the whole of the EU ever since 2008 has strengthened the parties’ distinct left Europeanism. Finally, the thesis’ findings suggest that there is indeed a unified political discourse of the European radical left that has been fighting for hegemony inside the EU for the last decade and that at the moment of the drafting of the present thesis has been able to create a growing consensus inside the EL with regards to the party’s future direction and to the means of bringing about the radical changes that it professes with regards to the Union’s alternative future.
Despite a growing interest in the relationship between populism and foreign policy, we know little about how populists in power engage with Europeanized foreign policy institutions. Bridging between ...research on populism and foreign policy (de‐)Europeanization, this article develops a theoretical framework for examining the impact of PRR parties in government on core features of national foreign policy institutions. First, it identifies three dimensions – organizational priorities, the allocation of authority, and organizational culture – and related indicators for the assessment of foreign policy de‐Europeanization. Second, it argues that the impact of PRR parties in government on national foreign policy institutions depends on two main factors: their ‘foreign policy preferences’ and their ‘action capacity’. Whilst the article demonstrates substantial de‐Europeanization in Hungary's foreign policy institutions under successive Orbán governments, it also shows that the possession of a strong action capacity alone is not enough for institutional changes to take place.
We have proposed to carry out this article starting from the premise of a transdisciplinary research, reflecting an analysis of insolvency law as "metamorphosed" by the conglomerate of social, ...economic and political elements and events, which, in reality, permanently "roll" this "legislative snowball" found in the dynamics of globalization and Europeanization, context in which the classical branches of law are resized by acquiring mixed characteristics. The penetration into the realm of transdisciplinarity reflects nothing but the need to adapt the norms of law to the diversity and dynamism of developments, "mutations"and global challenges. The core of our research concerns insolvency law, a law that has reached the stage of remodeling in a global economic context, being permanently "imprinted"by international and regional legal instruments. Enjoying a "thirsty" field of accelerated reform, we will try to synthesize legislative novelties such as the proposal of EU Directive on the harmonisation of certain aspects of insolvency law and we will explore restructuring benchmarks in the USA, India, Dominican Republic or Saudi Arabia, with often "crossed" visions on insolvency regimes, in order to outline the international picture of the restructuring market in 2023 but also the prospects for 2024, in the idea of identifying coherent measures capable of mitigating the socio-economic consequences at the intersection of contemporary crises, crises that have profoundly changed the approach of the insolvency field. Last but not least, we will stop at one of the key dimensions of the new directive on the EU agenda, namely the creation of a special insolvency legal regime for SMEs, already outlined internationally by UNCITRAL. Beyond the draft directive still on the negotiating table and uncertainties, an initiative that is part of the Commission's priority objective of strengthening the capital markets union (CMU) with the motto "Make the outcome of cross-border investments more predictable in terms of insolvency proceedings", beyond the effervescence of international and European insolvency legal instruments, we must reflect on the importance of divergences in the regulatory approach to insolvency as an obstacle to cross-border investments, a firm concern and commitment being needed in order to harmonize legislation and streamline national insolvency procedures insolvency. Let us not forget that effective and harmonised insolvency rules support efficient capital allocation, economic recovery from recessions and therefore economic growth in each country, with insolvency being a key criterion for cross-border investors.
This article deals with selected aspects of the Europeanization of public finance law. For this reason, the article focuses on some important sources of European public finance law and their impact ...on the budgetary discipline of member states. In this context, the attention is paid to the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (TSCG), which is not a normative act, but it is an international treaty outside the EU law whose provisions are binding on the member states that have signed this treaty. The article also presents a seeking for budgetary coherence within the European Union member states and then it presents an evolution of budgetary discipline of member states. The main aim of the article is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that the compliance with the binding mechanisms of the budgetary discipline of the member states introduced after 2010 is always well enforceable. The scientific methods used in the article are analysis and synthesis, description and comparative methods.JEL Classification: K33, K34
Straipsnyje daugiausia dėmesio skiriama vietinių veiksnių ir europėjimo procesui kaip gyventojų politinės orientacijos ir viešosios politikos veiksniams, jų sąveikai Slovakijos pasienio Košicės ir ...Prešovo regionuose, taip pat Ukrainos Užkarpatės regione. Tyrime naudoti statistiniai duomenys, taip pat Delphi metodu surinkti duomenys. Siekiant atrasti atsakymus į pagrindinius tyrimo klausimus pasitelktos šiuolaikinės europeizavimo sampratos, pasienio regionuose atliktų lokalių tyrimų rezultatai. Vietiniai veiksniai, susiję su istorinio vystymosi ypatumais, stipriai veikia gyventojų politinę kultūrą ir viešąją politiką ir tą rodo nepotizmas, bendras priešiškumas elitui, pilietinio aktyvumo skirtumai tarp miesto ir kaimo. Tačiau jau esama įrodymų, kad politinę kultūrą Slovakijos ir Ukrainos pasienio regionuose ir atitinkamą politikos procesą reikšmingai paveikė europeizavimo procesai. Viena vertus, šios tendencijos pavyzdžiais laikytini: visuomenės dalyvavimas vietos ir regionų plėtroje, nevyriausybinių organizacijų aktyvumas ir plėtra, ir t. t. Kita vertus, pasienio gyventojų politinės kultūros pokyčiai, veikiami kitų veiksnių, nėra šio straipsnio dėmesio centre ir bus kito mokslinio tyrimo tema.
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