Este artículo tiene como objetivo iniciar la reflexión sobre el impacto de la integración española en la CEE en el sector primario. El análisis de este ángulo ciego de la historiografía actual ...permitirá ofrecer nuevas visiones sobre el cambio de las políticas públicas españolas y comunitarias, las transformaciones de la administración, el poder de España en Bruselas y también conocer la relación entre integración europea y los diferentes niveles de política de un país, todo ello en relación con su agricultura y su pesca.
This study extensively reviews the EU Law curriculum in Turkish higher education institutions and further draws conclusions on the state of this curriculum as compared to the general EU courses. ...Based on the findings and the conclusions, the authors then discuss the factors for the inertia to place greater emphasis upon teaching the EU Law with reference to how Europeanization has been understood and interpreted in Turkey. The findings suggest that the reforms have not been appropriately backed by the curriculum and that Turkey has acted in conformity with its own peripheral agenda rather than committing itself strongly to internalize the EU legislation and incorporate it in its entirety into its legal domain.
This Conclusion poses a number of cross-cutting questions, and explores the ways in which the Special Issue has addressed them. The questions are: (1) Is de-Europeanisation in European foreign ...policy-making simply an 'internal' process? (2) Is de-Europeanisation a tactic or a trend? (3) Is de-Europeanisation in European foreign policy-making just 'politics'? (4) Is de-Europeanisation about capacity, or about legitimacy? (5) How does de-Europeanisation relate to the potential costs and risks of European foreign policy? (6) Is de-Europeanisation a one-way street? In addressing these issues, the article identifies a number of potential areas for further research relating to the forms, processes and implications of de-Europeanisation.
Since the accession of the A8 post-communist countries to the European Union, various EU institutions have regularly expressed deep concern about the precarious political, social and economic ...position of the Roma. This article examines the recent political reinterpretations that accompany the EU's framing of the Roma as a group in need of special attention. It argues that EU institutions will have to find ways to deal with the ambivalence inherent in their 'European' appeals for tackling the problems at hand. These calls may indeed-as, for example, the European Commission insists-enhance cooperation between different levels of government and persuade member-states to adopt new policies that will benefit Romani citizens. But, somewhat paradoxically, they also provide new discursive material for nationalist politicians with an anti-Romani agenda who try to minimise or evade their countries' domestic responsibility by highlighting the role and responsibility of the EU. They also latch onto the alleged 'Europeanness' of the Roma in order to exclude them symbolically from their own national space and frame them not only as 'Europeans' but also as 'outsiders' and 'cultural deviants'.
Since the beginning of the 2000s, extensive academic research has echoed one popular opinion, 'Turkey is back to the Balkans'. These studies have been scrutinizing the complicated role of Turkey in ...the Balkans, usually drawing upon the use of soft power by the former. This impact in the region remained intact during the 2010s, although the overall Turkish foreign policy in the 2010s has been highly securitized and de-Europeanized, losing its soft power character that had been its trademark starting from the early 2000s. In this regard, this paper aims to decipher different dimensions of Turkey's foreign policy in the Balkans through a more general exploration of the de-Europeanization of Turkish foreign policy in the 2010s. Through more than 80 semi-structured interviews, which were conducted between 2016-2020, with political actors, diplomats, religious leaders, scholars and journalists in Turkey and the Balkans, we address the question of whether the divergence of Turkish foreign policy from a soft power perspective and its concomitant de-Europeanization tendency had been crystallized in its policy towards the Balkans within the context of the 2010s.
Viktor Zhivov’s 2007 article, here translated into English for the first time, attempts to describe the specific nature of the Baroque in Russia. According to Zhivov, Russian Baroque culture arose ...via transplantation and was not the result of organic cultural development. Because of their cardinal differences, the language of Western Baroque and that of traditional Russian culture represent polar opposites in many ways. Hence the transplantation of even the most insignificant element results in its radical transformation, highlighting the peculiarities of the process of reception. The article outlines the principles that governed this process. It argues that it was the external features of the Baroque style that were borrowed, while its deeper orientation on polysemy, which defined the Baroque worldview in the West, was not. The assimilation of Western literature was eclectic and replaced rhetorical ambivalence with the rhetoric of didacticism. It took what could be synthesized with traditional culture most easily, at the same time as the more content-oriented features and those specific to European Baroque were rejected. If in Western Europe the Baroque posed riddles for the reader, in Russia authors on the “European" trajectory assisted the reader by providing solutions. The Baroque in Russia was primarily a phenomenon of Western influence, so that its unique features took second place in the process of forming a new cultural paradigm as a whole. “Baroque” elements acquired a completely new pedagogical function, becoming carriers of the new ideology that was being introduced. The Baroque became a servitor of power, whose aim was the political reeducation of society.
The European Union (EU) enlargement went through strong processes of Europeanisation that, apart from revealing the regulatory power of the EU, reflect its ability to transform the identity of those ...countries candidates to membership. Considered as one of the most important and successful instruments of foreign and security action, the succeeding enlargement policies to the East, particularly those of 2004 and 2007, represented a significant contribution for the establishment of an extended security community. An assessment on the countries of the West Balkans is presented, since their processes of accession to the EU now extend for more than a decade. The undeniable geopolitical and geostrategic significance, shown throughout history by the risks of spreading the internal conflicts across the European borders, make this region one of the most vital of the EU’s periphery, to its security. In spite of this significance, the current “enlargement fatigue”, motivated largely by the lack of consensus amongst member-states, drives away the countries of the Balkans from veering towards the EU, thereby rendering them more susceptible to the influence of foreign players, particularly that of China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey. In that context, it is argued that the EU, by setting aside the enlargement politic to the countries of the West Balkans, gives a deeply negative sign to the region, moving them away from the criteria established for the europeanization processes reached so far, and as a consequence, placing themselves under de influence of foreign players, circumstances which jeopardise the stability in the EU periphery.
This article compares the impact of the Eurozone crisis on the foreign policies of Greece and Portugal from a de-Europeanization perspective. These two Southern European countries were significantly ...Europeanized in the past and both suffered greatly from the Euro crisis. Focusing on the Troika period and on relations with China, the article shows that both Greece and Portugal's foreign policies towards Beijing went through an important degree of de-Europeanization during the Eurozone crisis. Such effect was, however, more intense and durable in the case of Greece, much driven by domestic politics. These national factors were intimately connected with exogenous drivers, such as EU-level developments and Beijing's agency, both more relevant for illuminating the case of Portugal. Ultimately, the Eurozone crisis strengthened the influence of external actors like China over EU foreign policy-making, working as a complementary driver of de-Europeanization.
Although the AKP government has made much legal and political progress on women's rights, such as becoming the first government to ratify the Istanbul Convention, crimes against women in Turkey have ...dramatically risen in the last two decades. This is a notable step forward on women's rights, in particular on violence against women. However, this step backwards for women's rights with Turkey's withdrawal from the Convention on 1 July 2021. This paper argues to what extent the shift from Europeanization to de-Europeanization and liberalism to conservatism in Turkey after 2011 directly affects its withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. The first part of this paper analyses how the AKP government has taken many steps legally and politically on gender equality as part of Turkey's Europeanization and EU accession process. The second part of this paper shows that, while many women's rights organizations and society recognize that progress has been made, the AKP government's withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention reveals Turkey's transformation from liberalism to conservatism regarding women's rights.
The question of the democratic character of the European Union (EU) has been a center-point of decades of political research. An important critique suggests that the development of the European ...political arena is still incomplete, with European parliamentarians primarily orienting themselves to national issues and politicians, implying a problematic mismatch between the political arena and their policy jurisdiction. Research has however been limited by methodological difficulties of capturing the level of Europeanization of the political arena. This paper contributes a novel method for measuring Europeanization by studying interactions between the European Parliament to their national parliamentarians on Twitter in 15 EU countries. Contrary to expectations in the literature, we find substantial Europeanization of the political arena. The level of Europeanization furthermore varies greatly across countries and political groups. This has important implications on the debate on EU’s democratic deficit, as communication across different levels of parliament indicates democratic debate.
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