À partir des cas de l’Île-de-France et du Latium, l’article envisage les liens entre européanisation et métropolisation institutionnelle au travers de la politique de cohésion. Il conclut à une ...concurrence plus qu’une complémentarité entre région et métropole, et aussi à la difficulté à construire cette dernière dans des contextes qui restent dominés, de façon différente, par les deux capitales. La question des inégalités territoriales inhérentes à la métropolisation ne se traduit qu’en partie dans la géographie du volet urbain, et l’idée de « projet urbain intégré » joue un rôle qui reste modeste dans le contexte d’une métropolisation institutionnelle à bien des égards conflictuelle.
How does the European Union (EU) affect change in neighbouring countries? The article explores this question, using Ukraine as a case study. So far Ukraine has attracted contradictory assessments of ...the impact of the EU on the country's domestic transformation. To explain this puzzle, the process of Ukraine's convergence with EU rules is analysed in terms of rule selection, adoption and application. The article focuses on the mechanisms which the EU uses to shape domestic actors' incentives and capacities for taking on EU rules in each of the three dimensions. In the case of technical regulation, EU mechanisms affect domestic actors differently in the three dimensions, resulting in comprehensive rule selection but only selective rule adoption and application. The process of convergence occurs, but in a non-synchronized and highly idiosyncratic way, thereby indicating the patchy impact of the EU on its neighbours, even in the core economic field.
There is much literature on the Europeanization of social movements, yet work tends not to theorize the influence of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) upon social movements. I examine the extent to ...which EU-imposed austerity in Southern Europe inspired European protests among German, Spanish and French trade unions. On the basis of an analytic framework which distinguishes between (i) Europeanization and (ii) continuing attachment to national institutions, I contend that degrees of Europeanization are contingent upon position within EMU. Unions in weak positions have incentives to undertake Europeanization, as in the case of Spain, whilst unions within strong positions have less incentive to undertake Europeanization, as in the case of Germany.
The political science literature analyzing the genetic profile of European political parties has mainly focused on the salience, for the identity of today's parties, of four social cleavages rooted ...in European history: among them, a religious/secular cleavage created by the birth of the modern national state. However, in the past two decades, some contributions about new party types developed after the end of the Cold War have hypothesized the existence of new cleavages, based on materialist/post materialist sets of values and on the acceptance or rejection of globalization and Europeanization processes. This article will work on this latter hypothesis, by highlighting how some European parties, previously secular or focused on the "traditional" religious cleavage, are increasingly using religion-related arguments in the context of a civilizational stance focused on anti-globalization and anti-EU discourses, but most of all on the idea of migrants and Muslims as a threatening other. The second section of the paper will focus on the Italian case and on the development of a right-wing populist discourse on religion by the Lega Nord party.
As an emerging market economy and a candidate country for EU membership, Turkey has engaged in large-scale international science and research programs and organizations in Europe since the 1950s, and ...more intensely after its candidacy status commenced at the end of 1999. These engagements, which can be framed as Science Diplomacy (SD) efforts, were motivated by the Turkish government’s perception that Turkey needs to become more integrated with the European countries, and must stay abreast of the science and technology developments or risk falling behind other EU candidate countries. The primary purpose of this paper is to explore how the emerging concept of SD helps explain transformations and changes in Turkish Science, Technology, and Innovation (STI) policies since 2000, with a special focus on engagements with the EU’s science and research programs and European organizations, and subsequently filling a gap in related literature. Europeanization and qualitative content analysis are used as theoretical framework and methodology, respectively, to analyze these engagements. The key findings and conclusions point out that Turkey’s efforts to harmonize its science and technology policies with the EU’s has paved the way for new funding mechanisms and its participation in Horizon 2020 as an associated country. In addition, using Science and Technology (S&T) cooperation as a soft power has strengthened the public diplomacy of Turkey with the European countries. As a result, increased involvement in STI partnerships with the European countries could help Turkey open new venues for developing its SD. However, despite the mutual economic and political benefit gained through scientific interactions, Turkey is still not using science as a diplomacy tool as effectively as it might to augment its foreign policy. It should be noted that research is one of the very few areas where the relations Turkey and the EU are still cooperating, regardless of growing tensions between the two parties. Thus, Framework Programs and other scientific projects that Turkey has participated in can provide founding experiences of Turkish SD with the EU, and may help Turkey open new venues for developing its SD. Nevertheless, a more resolute political will is needed.
PurposeEuropean spatial governance underwent substantial changes over the past two decades with the expansion of European territorial cooperation programmes, the introduction of new instruments for ...cooperation and an increasing role of financial and regulatory framework in sector policies. Against this background the paper develops the argument that today’s European spatial governance has become more diversified and fragmented, leading to an increasing role for sector policies, and that the cumulative effect of these diverse activities on domestic planning processes are under researched.Design/methodology/approachThis paper summarises the legal recognition of spatial planning and categorises European spatial governance as being composed of spatial policies, financial instruments and governance frameworks. This paper then presents three explorative case studies: the Common Transport policy as one European Union (EU) sector policy, a cross-border cooperation supported by the European Regional Development Fund and macro-regional cooperation.FindingsThis paper concludes that the increasing regulatory impact of European spatial governance on domestic spatial planning goes far beyond the pure Europeanisation of narratives and agendas or “ways of doing things”. Furthermore, this paper illustrates that European spatial governance is characterised by a process of sectoralisation, supported by the EU’s regional policy and the provision of governance tools. The paper calls for further investigation of the interrelatedness of these processes and their reciprocal influences on planning practices.Originality/valueThe value lies in recognising the incremental changes that have come alongside European integration, and highlighting the importance of these processes for domestic planning processes. This paper highlights the hidden process of sectoralisation that leads to an increase in planning competences at the European level.
The European Parliament (EP) – today one of the most powerful actors at EU level – was intended to be a mere consultative assembly at the founding of the European Communities. This article studies ...the beginnings of the EP's parliamentarization, from its establishment in 1952 to its first direct elections in 1979. The article uses the concept of Europeanization to analyse what ideational, normative and rationalist factors induced MEPs – delegates from the member states' national parliaments at the time – to invest considerable time and effort into an institution that promised no significant political impact, career improvement, or acknowledgement by voters. In so doing, the article demonstrates that despite the fact that careers were made at the national level, MEPs swiftly began to behave as Euro-parliamentarians rather than national delegates. Inside the EP, MEPs were therefore both themselves Europeanized and pushed for the Europeanization of the EP more generally.
In this paper, we conceptualize external Europeanization as a multi-situated and selective process of differential inclusion. The aim is to contribute to recent research on the reconfiguration of ...“normative power Europe” through a more proper consideration of the dialogical positioning of different typologies of both recipients and transmitters of European external policies, and local economic actors, in particular. We show how the idea of the Mediterranean as a borderscape of differential inclusion allows for an analysis that extends beyond the restrictive inside/outside binary typical of many current interpretations of the Euro-Mediterranean and the European Neighbourhood Policy. This view is especially crucial in times of decreasing European Union leverage, internal crises and geopolitical turmoil in the Mediterranean and beyond. The attempt is, therefore, to shed light on the complicated geometries of Europeanization while also emphasizing the ways in which they entangle both symbolic projections and material interests. Such a conceptualization is then applied to a case study of the border between Italy and Tunisia.
Public diplomacy, despite its numerous and varied definitions, is essentially a communications process. By engaging the academic literature of public diplomacy with Lasswell’s model of communication ...and Braddock’s rearticulation of his model, this paper proposes an integrated framework that allows for the systematization of public diplomacy research. The framework is composed of the independent variable of context, which influences a set of dependent variables: the actors, publics, messages, objectives and tools of public diplomacy. Accordingly, this paper argues that public diplomacy research has been traditionally approached from an agent-centric perspective, and despite its obvious significance, the influence of context has been understudied. In order to test the utility of the model, the paper applies it to the case study of the European Union’s public diplomacy during two different settings. First, it will expose the main characteristics of the EU’s public diplomacy during times of globalization, where the EU’s public diplomacy was characterized by its normativity. Subsequently, the current context of deglobalization and de-europeanization will be introduced and analyzed through the following research question: what happens to the EU’s public diplomacy when the founding myth upon which it is constructed is under threat? By altering the context, one can easily see an emerging but clear transformation of the characteristics of the EU’s public diplomacy. By analyzing official, policy, and legal documents, and engaging with the academic literature on the topic, the paper concludes that the main objective of the EU’s public diplomacy in a changing world should be to provide for ontological security through (emotional) strategic metanarratives.
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