En 1830 à Amiens, existent trois principaux établissements, censés accueillir des mineurs :- la maison d’arrêt dite des Grands Chapeaux ;- la maison de justice ou « Conciergerie » ;- la maison de ...correction de Bicêtre. Sous la Monarchie de Juillet, cependant qu’un petit établissement va fermer – la prison du Beffroi, mais elle subsiste comme chambre de sûreté –, deux autres, réservés aux mineurs, vont ou bien être mis en place – la colonie pénitentiaire d’Allonville – ou bien s’ouvrir à l’acc...
A fascinating look—first published in 1894—at two philanthropists known as the "Prisoner's Friends" and the early history of prison reform. Prisons in England were once dark, inhumane places lacking ...any regulations. The facilities were poorly managed and unsanitary, and prisoners were treated like animals. One man and one woman, the "Prisoner's Friends, " sought to change that. Through Prison Bars is an in-depth account of John Howard and Elizabeth Fry and their work in the prison reform movement in Great Britain and Europe that began in the eighteenth century and continued into the nineteenth. Author William H. Render explores their childhoods and family lives, deeply spiritual backgrounds—Howard was a Calvinist while Fry was a dedicated Quaker—and early days in prison philanthropy, as well as what motivated them to get involved in the first place: Howard's early days as the high sheriff of Bedfordshire and Fry's visit to the women's prison at Newgate in London. Neither Howard nor Fry stopped their work with just one jail. They dedicated their lives to serving God and man, and their stories have the power to inspire similar dedication in generations to come.
This article argues that populism was a permanent feature of John Howard's government and that populism and the associated tactic of wedging were adopted to secure the government's position and to ...eliminate populist rivals such as One Nation. Margaret Canovan describes the use of populist techniques by mainstream politicians as politicians' populism. She also suggests that democracy has both redemptive and pragmatic faces and that when too great a gap opens between democracy's two faces, populism is likely to emerge. The experience of four terms of the Howard government indicates that when politicians knowingly use populism they can successfully eliminate populist alternatives such as One Nation. The costs for democracy, however, are high, and in the case of the Howard government included neglect of minority rights, the growth of distrust in the institutions of representative democracy, increased community cynicism, the reluctance of the Opposition to speak out on a number of human rights issues for fear of losing support, and opportunistic policy making.
The Ascent to Power, 1996 takes a critical look at the Howard Government's rise to power; its policies and priorities, successes and shortcomings in what Paul Kelly calls the 'foundational year'.
This paper builds on the insights of Sawer and Laycock (2009) to explore similarities in the use of populist discourse by former Australian Prime John Howard and current Canadian Prime Minister ...Stephen Harper. While Sawer and Laycock label this discourse 'market populism' and focus on economic issues, here it is argued that Howard and Harper's populism is better understood as 'mainstream populism' due to the equal importance of sociocultural issues in their discourses. To demonstrate this, the treatment of issues such as immigration, multiculturalism, the culture wars, criminal justice, and childcare is considered. It is further suggested that such populist policies were used to satisfy rival wings of their respective parties - neoliberals and social conservatives - that do not always share the same priorities.
This article analyses John Howard's arguments on the relationship between 'values' and 'national identity'. Some key arguments were prefigured before he became Prime Minister, when he promised not to ...politicise national identity. More recent arguments influenced debates over foreign policy, counter terrorism measures, industrial relations policy and the banning of same-sex marriage. In particular, the article explores the relationship between Howard's 'values' and Anglo-Celtic identity, social conservatism, the Christian Right and a neo-liberal 'entrepreneurial culture'. It suggests that Howard is using his emphasis on the relationship between values and national identity to endorse and encourage particular forms of citizen identity (which also have policy and electoral implications). This is despite Howard's earlier critique of Keating for using debates over national identity to engage in social engineering.
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