Odnos svjetovnih nacionalnih tiskanih medija prema Katoličkoj Crkvi u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju od 1943. do 1990. godine je različit. Kako je u to vrijeme Hrvatska bila u sastavu komunističke ...Jugoslavije, na čelu s Josipom Brozom Titom koji je u državi uspostavio komunistički režim, medije je kontrolirala vlast. Osim medija Tito je i Crkvu želio staviti pod državnu upravu. Tadašnji zagrebački nadbiskupu Alojzije Stepinac posebno se tome suprotstavljao i gorljivo je branio odvajanje Crkve od njezine matice, Vatikana, po cijenu gubitka vlastite slobode. Stanovito olakšanje i slobodnije djelovanje klerici i vjerski tisak osjetili su 1966. godine, kada je SFR Jugoslavija potpisala sporazum sa Svetom Stolicom. Izborom Franje Kuharića za zagrebačkog nadbiskupa 1970. godine Crkva ponovno odgovara vlastima i medijima na njihove provokacije. Raspadom SFRJ mijenja se i stav nove hrvatske vlasti prema Katoličkoj Crkvi i kleru. Republika Hrvatska, samostalna i slobodna, donosi svoj prvi Ustav, čime radikalno mijenja svoj odnos prema katoličkom tisku i prisutnosti vjerske tematike u medijima.
From 1943 to 1990 the attitude of secular, national and print media towards the Catholic Church in Croatia was diverse. During that period Croatia was a part of communist Yugoslavia, which was led by Josip Broz Tito who had established the communist regime. The media was controlled by the government. Tito wanted the Church to be under the government administration as well, which former archbishop Stepinac did not approve of and was strongly against the separation from Vatican. In 1966 there was a brief relief and possibility for freer action for clergy and religious media after the SFRY and Vatican signed a treaty. After Franjo Kuharić was elected as the new archbishop of Zagreb in 1970, the Church once more started fighting back to the authorities and the media. When SFRY disintegrated, the attitude of the new Croatian government towards Catholic Church and clergy altered. The Republic of Croatia, now free and independent, adopts its first Constitution thus radically changing their relationship towards the Catholic media and overall religious matter in the media.
U radu se na osnovi dosad neobrađene arhivske građe, hrvatskoga i iseljeničkoga tiska te relevantne literature analizira politička dimenzija posjeta izaslanstva Matice iseljenika Hrvatske ...iseljeničkim zajednicama u Australiji koji je trajao od srpnja do rujna 1971., prvenstveno u kontekstu utjecaja na tzv. proces diferencijacije u iseljeništvu, koji je dosad vrlo slabo istražen. U Hrvatskoj su krajem 1960-ih uočili određena politička raslojavanja u iseljeništvu kao posljedicu dolaska novih iseljenika i kao odraz političkih događanja u domovini tijekom hrvatskoga proljeća te postojećih političkih razlika među samim iseljenicima, što su nastojali iskoristiti da bi neutralizirali utjecaj hrvatske političke emigracije i većinu iseljenika vezali uz domovinu i njezin socijalistički društveno-politički sustav. Cilj rada jest doprinijeti istraživanju povijesti iseljeništva i međuodnosa hrvatskih institucija s iseljeništvom tijekom razdoblja socijalističke Jugoslavije.
This paper analyses the political background of the departure of the Croatian Heritage Foundation’s (CHF) delegation to Australia in summer 1971, i.e. the political reasons behind it and the purpose of the visit. Believing their influence among the expatriates to be great, the CHF decided to use an opportune moment of political divisions among the expatriates in order to neutralise the influence of the political émigrés among the expatriates while simultaneously attempting to gain the support of most expatriates for building closer ties with the homeland and accepting its socialist social-political system. The political divisions among the expatriates, the so-called differentiation process, was a consequence of political differences among the émigrés themselves, the arrival of new expatriates, and the positive influence of political movements in Croatia during the Croatian Spring. This process was particularly prominent in Australia, which was also seen as a bastion of reactionary expatriates, strongly influenced by Croatian political émigrés. The CHF delegation’s journey was planned in agreement with political factors from the Socialist Republic of Croatia. The tenets of the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia and the climate of the Croatian Spring—which included a strengthening of Croatian identity at the expense of Yugoslav identity among expatriates—served as their political milestones. The Football Federation of Croatia worked with the CHF in Croatia, while the managements of the football clubs ‘Croatia’, Croatian associations that split off from Croatian Halls owned by political émigrés, Committees of the Croatian Cancer League, the ‘Croatian Youth’ organisation, and parts of the clergy and the pro-Yugoslav émigrés who were ready to work with the rest of the Croatian expatriates were all seen as potential collaborators. The Yugoslav diplomatic missions and consular posts were seen as the factors that should spearhead the differentiation process, but were also considered problematic because Croats were under-represented in them, because they denied the existence of the differentiation process, because they opposed the concentration of expatriates on a national basis, and because they spread the claim that the Croatian émigrés were extremists on the Australian public scene. The main opposition to this process offered by the Croatian political émigrés, who were allied to the Australian conservative government from the moment they arrived in the country. Expatriates unburdened by politics received the delegation well, while the political émigrés viewed it negatively, interpreting its visit as an exclusively political move and casting doubt on its publicly stated goal, which was claimed to be exclusively to expand social and cultural ties. With the change of the political circumstances after the suppression of the Croatian Spring in Karađorđevo, the differentiation process was halted, while the delegation members found themselves subject to much criticism due to their activities in Australia, though they did not suffer any far-reaching political consequences.
Bijela knjiga je uobičajeni naziv za internu analizu Saveza komunista Hrvatske iz ožujka 1984. u kojoj su sabrane antisistemske pojave iz javnoga prostora od 1982. do 1984., najvećim dijelom iz ...Srbije, a koje su bile u suprotnosti s politikom Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. Ona je bila rezultat dosljedne provedbe zaključaka Centralnoga komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije u Hrvatskoj, ali i većem dijelu republika i autonomnih pokrajina. U Srbiji su to radili parcijalno, očito iz pobuda da ne idu do kraja u obračun s kritičarima komunizma jer su dijelu političkoga vrha Srbije služili i za druge ciljeve – promjenu političkoga sustava, što je bio eufemizam za redefiniranje jugoslavenskoga federalizma. Analiza je bila uvod u Savjetovanje kulturnih stvaralaca održano 23. svibnja 1984. u Zagrebu. Izazvala je razmimoilaženje između komunista Hrvatske i Srbije i potaknula dugotrajne polemike u medijima.
The White Book is the popular name for the internal analysis of the League of Communists of Croatia from March 1984, in which anti-system occurrences in the public space—i.e. those that were at odds with the policies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia—from 1982 to 1984 and
mostly from Serbia, were gathered. It was the result of the consistent implementation of the policies of the Central Committee of the League of
Communists of Yugoslavia in Croatia as well as in most parts of the other Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces. In Serbia, this was done only partially, obviously due to a desire to avoid a thorough settling of accounts with the media and anti-communists, because they were important to a part of the political leadership that wanted a change of the political system, which was a euphemism for redefining Yugoslav federalism. The goal of the Analysis was to highlight this issue, while the Consultations of Cultural Creators held on 23 May 1984 were intended to offer help from Zagreb. It appears that the White Book purposefully ended up in the hands of persons in Belgrade for whose eyes
it had not been intended, and thus worsened relations between the Leagues of Communists of Croatia and Serbia. The White Book was also the
cause of long-lasting media polemics, despite the Party leadership’s demands that they be stopped. It is a concrete example that there existed serious differences in the approach to the topic of ideological struggle within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and that the conclusions of the League’s Central Committee were not being conducted according to the principles of ‘democratic centralism’.
U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt
kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u ...zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid
u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova.
Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially ‘temporary workers abroad’, has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a
vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the ‘Seventh Republic’, and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a
medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia’s efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over
musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.
The conception of total people’s defence and social self-protection, as the Yugoslav defence-protection system was called, began to be implemented after the Warsaw Pact countries’ invasion of ...Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Yugoslav communists believed that this sudden and successful aggression could be effectively opposed only through the organised engagement of all available societal potentials, based on its revolutionary experience and reflections on Marxist classics regarding arming the populace. This was the beginning of a conception of defence that visibly burdened the society, increased the already large military budget, and prompted the militarisation of society. Although the security of society, called social self-protection, was discussed at the same time as defence, the true impetus for its theoretical and practical formation was the infiltration of the paramilitary cell Feniks (Phoenix) into Yugoslavia in summer 1972. In contrast to total people’s defence, whose implementation was considered successful, the implementation of social self-protection ran into numerous problems because security was from 1945 to 1966 exclusively the responsibility of the security service, and therefore difficult to accept in other social structures. For this reason, on several occasions the League of Communists initiated its acceptance on all levels of organisation in party and social-political structures. A relatively efficient fusion of these two protective complexes was achieved only in 1979, after the founding of committees for total people’s defence and social self-protection, which were supposed to secure the leading role of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defence-security system.
Oslanjajući se na objavljenu literaturu i neobjavljeno arhivsko gradivo, autori u radu obrađuju fenomen obnove katoličkoga tiska u Hrvatskoj tijekom 1960-ih, ponajprije u kontekstu crkveno-državnih ...odnosa toga vremena. Proces obnove Katoličke crkve, potaknut Drugim vatikanskom koncilom, s jedne strane te želja jugoslavenskih vlasti da ponovno normaliziraju odnose s Crkvom u tadašnjoj Jugoslaviji, ali i obnove 1952. jednostrano prekinute diplomatske odnose sa Svetom Stolicom s druge strane otvorili su mogućnost da Crkva u Hrvatskoj obnovi i neke svoje javne/društvene djelatnosti, koje su joj od 1945. bile sustavno uskraćivane, među kojima je istaknuto mjesto zauzelo ponovno pokretanje njezina tiska koji je država 1945. ugušila. Tu je priliku Crkva 1960-ih uspješno iskoristila, a obnovljeni katolički tisak naišao je na velik interes publike te su se u samo nekoliko godina umnožili i broj osnovanih/obnovljenih listova i njihova naklada.
Đuro Kokša (Molve, 17. svibnja 1922. – Zagreb, 26. studenog 1998.) bio je vicerektor Papinskoga hrvatskog zavoda sv. Jeronima u Rimu od 11. rujna 1957. do 15. rujna 1959., kada je preuzeo službu ...rektora. Papa Pavao VI. imenovao ga je 20. travnja 1978. naslovnim biskupom Grumenta i pomoćnim zagrebačkim biskupom. Zavodom je upravljao sve do 8. veljače 1980., kada je na njegovo mjesto došao mostarsko-duvanjski svećenik Ratko Perić. Vrijeme Kokšina upravljanja Zavodom obilježili su vrlo složeni crkveno-politički odnosi u Jugoslaviji, odnosno u Hrvatskoj, dok je stanje u cijeloj Crkvi bilo vrlo izazovno. Kokša je kao upravitelj Zavoda ponekad mimo svoje volje morao izvršavati odluke koje su dolazile s viših crkvenih razina, a s kojima se nije uvijek slagao, zbog čega je bio meta napada od strane hrvatskih emigrantskih skupina. S druge strane, bio je pod stalnom pratnjom komunističke vlasti. Usprkos svemu ostavio je trag u povijesti Zavoda. Uz pomoć crkvenog vodstva otvorio je Zavod za svećenike studente iz domovine, a papa Pavao VI. je na molbu kardinala Franje Šepera u srpnju 1971. dotadašnji naziv „Ilirski zavod sv. Jeronima” promijenio u „Papinski hrvatski zavod sv. Jeronima”. Dok je Kokša bio rektor Zavoda, Jozo Kljaković je dovršio dva pokrajnja mozaika na sjevernom pročelju zavodske zgrade, a Ivan Meštrović mu je 1960. dao dopuštenje za odljev u gipsu njegove Pietà. Ovaj rad je nastao na temelju prethodnih istraživanja i Kokšine arhivske građe, koja se čuva u Nadbiskupskom arhivu u Zagrebu i u Zavodu sv. Jeronima u Rimu. Rimsku je ostavštinu godine 2017. složio . i inventar sastavio splitski arhivist Ivan Balta.
Đuro Kokša (Molve, 17. V 1922 – Zagreb, 26. XI 1998) was the vice-rector of the Pontifical Croatian College of St. Jerome in Rome from September 11, 1957 to September 15, 1959, when he assumed the office of rector. On April 20, 1978, Pope Paul VI appointed him titular bishop of Grument and auxiliary bishop of Zagreb. He managed the College until February 8, 1980, when he was replaced by Ratko Perić, a Mostar-Duvno priest. The time of Kokša›s management of the College was marked by very complex church-political relations in Yugoslavia, that is, in Croatia, while the situation in the entire Church was very challenging. Kokša, as the rector of the College, sometimes against his will had to carry out decisions that came from higher church levels, with which he did not always agree, which is why he was the target of attacks by Croatian emigrant groups. On the other hand, he was under the constant surveillance of the communist government. Despite everything, he left a trace in the history of the College. With the help of the church leadership, he opened the College for priests students from the homeland, while Pope Paul VI at the request of Cardinal Franjo Šeper, in July 1971, replaced the previous name “Illyrian College of St. Jerome” with the “Pontifical Croatian College of St. Jerome”. While Kokša was rector of the College, Jozo Kljaković completed two side mosaics on the north facade of the College building, and in 1960 Ivan Meštrović gave him permission to cast his Pietà in plaster. This paper was written on the basis of previous researches and Kokša’s archival material, which is kept in the Archbishop’s Archives in Zagreb and in the College of St. Jerome in Rome. The Roman legacy was compiled in 2017 and the inventory was compiled by Split archivist Ivan Balta.
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