In spite of the growing literature on discourse analysis, the relationship of discourse to violent/non-violent outcomes of conflict is an under-researched area. This book combines theories on ethnic ...conflict, identity construction and discourse analysis with a comprehensive and inclusive survey of the countries of the former Yugoslavia. It presents an understanding of the interrelationship between 'words' and 'deeds' grounded through an extensively close analysis of film, television and newspapers samples taken from the period. This combination of ground-breaking applications of theory with detailed empirical case studies will make Media Discourse and the Yugoslav Conflicts of key interest to scholars across a range of social sciences including sociology, discourse analysis, media, conflict and peace studies as well as those concerned with ethnopolitical conflict.
This book presents the findings of an international research initiative of over 160 leading historians, social scientists, and jurists that brings together in one volume key evidence presented by all ...sides in the recent Yugoslav conflicts. It represents a direct assault on the proprietary interpretations that nationalist politicians and media have impressed on mass culture in each of the entities of the former Yugoslavia.
This book aims to examine the conditions under which the decision to use force can be reckoned as legitimate in international relations. Drawing on communicative action theory, it provides a ...provocative answer to the hotly contested question of how to understand the legitimacy of the use of force in international politics.
The use of force is one of the most critical and controversial aspects of international politics. Scholars and policy-makers have long tried to develop meaningful standards capable of restricting the use of force to a legally narrow yet morally defensible set of circumstances. However, these standards have recently been challenged by concerns over how the international community should react to gross human rights abuses or to terrorist threats. This book argues that current legal and moral standards on the use of force are unable to effectively deal with these challenges.
The author argues that the concept of 'deliberative legitimacy', understood as the non-coerced commitment of an actor to abide by a decision reached through a process of communicative action, offers the most appropriate framework for addressing this problem. The theoretical originality and empirical value of the concept of deliberative legitimacy comes fully into force with the examination of two of the most severe international crises from the post Cold War period: the 1999 NATO intervention in Kosovo and the 2003 US military action against Iraq.
This book will be of much interest to students of international security, ethics, international law, discourse theory and IR.
Corneliu Bjola is SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow with the Centre for Ethics at the University of Toronto, and has a PhD in International Relations.
Corneliu Bjola is SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow with the Centre for Ethics at the University of Toronto.
1. The Concept of Legitimacy in International Relations 2. The Moral Legitimacy of the Use of Force 3. The Legal Legitimacy of the Use of Force 4. The Deliberative Legitimacy of the Use of Force 5. Humanitarianism revisited: the NATO intervention in Kosovo 6. Defensive necessity vs. war of choice: the United States-led military action against Iraq 7. Conclusions: Institutionalizing Deliberative Legitimacy Bibliography
Hyperactivity is a mental health disorder that causes drastic fluctuation level of concentration and hyperactivity (Snyder, 2006). People with hyperactivity have difficulty concentrating, sitting ...position, in dedicating attention, stay organized, following instructions, memorizing the details and management of impulsiveness (Smith, 2016). Participants were from primary school students in Kosovo, N=200 Children age 9-11 and N=200 parents, they completed the following instruments, PSDQ questionnaire; (Robinson, Mandleco, Olsen, & Hart, 2001) this instruments was for measuring parenting styles, and Children behavioral checklist version for parents (Achenbach and Rescorla, 2007). The results shown that hyperactivity of children was positively correlated with authoritarian and tolerant parenting styles. In the survey results show that 74.0% of children participate in extra-curricular activities, and 26.0% did not participate in extra-curricular activities.Regression analysis explain 32% of variance for hyperactivity factor as a depended variable predicted by Gender and authoritarian parenting style. Also male has higher mean of hyperactivity than female and results was significantly different with p=.030* Conclusion is that parents who set strict rules authoritarian parents and tolerant parents can have a hyperactive children. Usually there is no need for special treatment for parents, already they have to be empathic with their children, collaboration with peers, relatives and parent-child cooperation which will give positive effect.
This work presents a textural and chemical study of gersdorffite from numerous small occurrences of hydrothermal Pb-Zn + (Ni-As-Sb) mineralization from Trepça Mineral Belt (broad area of Stan Terg ...and Kizhnica-Hajvalia-Badovc ore field) hosted in hydrothermally altered serpentinites (listvenites). Mineral associations, textural relations and substitutional trends of gersdorffite recognized in Kizhnica, Mazhiq, Melenica, Vllahia and Selac are discussed based on microscopy and microprobe studies. The two types of paragenetic sequence with nickel mineralization are distinguished in studied localities: Ni-Fe-Co sulfides → Ni sulfarsenides and sulfantimonides (in Kizhnica-Badovc and Melenica) and Ni sulfarsenides → Ni-Fe arsenide and diarsenide → ± Ni sulfides (Vllahia and Selac). Various substitution trends in studied GUS are detected: Fe+Co/Ni (all localities, except Selac); As/Sb - gersdorffite-ullmannite series (Kizhnica, Mazhiq, Vllahia VLX) and As+Sb/S (Selac and Vllahia VL4). Based on As/S ratio, two different hydrothermal fluids were distinguished: narrow range and low As/S values (Kizhnica, Mazhiq, Melenica, Vllahia VLX), which suggest decreased As activity, mixing in the proximity of deposition site (Kizhnica, Mazhiq), broad range and high As/S values: increased As activity and disequilibrium crystallization (Selac, Vllahia VL4).
War Over Kosovo Andrew Bacevich, Eliot Cohen
2001., 20020102, 2002, 2005-01-22
eBook
More than any other episode since the end of the Cold War, the conflict in Kosovo revealed the distinctive attributes of a new American "way of war." In so doing, Kosovo also brought into sharp focus ...the military, political, and moral dilemmas confronting a liberal democracy intent on wielding preeminent power on a global scale. What are the moral implications posed by waging high-tech warfare for humanitarian purposes? Does the precedent set by intervention of this type point toward peace and stability or toward more war? How well suited are the United States military and American society as a whole to the security challenges of the age of globalization? According to Bacevich and Cohen, gauging the "success" achieved in Kosovo yields important answers to these and related questions. The volume includes a well-crafted historical overview of the war and six essays that place it in a broader context. The contributors explore the conflict's relationship to U.S. grand strategy, the Revolution in Military Affairs, and American civil-military relations, among other topics.
Territorial ownership claims are central to many interethnic conflicts and can constitute an obstacle to conflict resolution and reconciliation. However, people in conflict areas might also have a ...perception that the territory simultaneously belongs to one’s ingroup and the rival outgroup. We expected such perceptions of shared ownership to be related to higher reconciliation intentions. We examined this expectation in relation to the territory of Kosovo among random national samples of Albanians and Serbs from Kosovo, and Serbs from Serbia (Study 1, total N = 995). In general, participants perceived low levels of shared ownership, however, shared ownership perceptions were positively related to reconciliation intentions in Kosovo. In Study 2 (total N = 375), we experimentally manipulated shared ownership (vs. ingroup ownership) and found that shared ownership elicited stronger reconciliation intentions. It is concluded that fostering a sense of shared ownership can be important for improving intergroup relations in post‐conflict settings.
When traditional marketing practices are unsuitable for small and medium enterprises, entrepreneurs have to unlearn traditional principles and replace them with new innovative thoughts and actions, ...such as entrepreneurial marketing (EM). This paper examines the impact of EM dimensions on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in Kosovo. Findings reveal that respondents tend to be highly opportunity focused and understand the importance of resource leveraging. While value creation is seen as a very important entrepreneurial marketing dimension, respondents are reserved with respect to taking risks; furthermore, they do not tend to be proactive, innovative nor customer oriented. Finally, the limitations of the study and the suggestions for future research are provided.
This volume provides one of the first comprehensive feminist readings of international statebuilding, with a specific focus on the case of Kosovo. Rather than simply showing how the state in Kosovo ...is being built by and through women and feminist encounters, this volume is interested to problematise women and feminist subjectivities vis-à-vis the state and statebuilding. The book challenges three main arguments related to the processes and subjects of statebuilding in Kosovo. First, the academic literature on Kosovo has a tendency to take the international intervention of 1999 as the originary point of statebuilding processes in Kosovo. Second, and relatedly, given Kosovo's unprecedented exposure to Western intervention and statebuilding, the majority of works start from the presumption that liberal interventionism in Kosovo (and elsewhere) is normatively more progressive than the previous system, and that the liberal interventionism and statebuilding are naturally gender progressive and gender-equal. The third argument has to do with the existing legal architecture on gender and women’s rights in contemporary Kosovo. The aim of the volume is to, on the one hand, problematise the evidence against the backdrop of everyday manifestations and/or performances of statebuilding and on the other hand interrogate the co-constitutive gender aspect. In terms of methodology, the volume brings together contributions that rely on traditional and multi-sited ethnography, and narrative research rooted in projects and initiatives in Kosovo. This allows the contributors to unearth new and silenced actors, entry points, subjects and subjectivities in processes of and related to statebuilding in Kosovo; feminist frictions and challenges to statebuilding in Kosovo; as well as encounters of heteronormative statebuilding. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, Balkan politics, feminisms, and international relations, in general.
After the United States, along with NATO allies, bombed the Serbian forces of Slobodan Milosevic for seventy-eight days in 1999, Milosevic withdrew his army from Kosovo. With no troops on the ground, ...political and military leaders congratulated themselves on the success of Operation Allied Force, considered to be the first military victory won through the use of strategic air power alone. This apparent triumph motivated military and political leaders to embrace a policy of using "clean bombs" (precision munitions and air strikes)-without a dirty ground war-as the preferred choice for answering military aggression. Ten years later it inspired a similar air campaign against Muammar Gaddafi's forces in Libya as a groundswell of protests erupted into revolution.
Clean Bombs and Dirty Warsoffers a fresh perspective on the role, relevance, and effectiveness of air power in contemporary warfare, including an exploration of the political motivations for its use as well as a candid examination of air-to-ground targeting processes. Using recently declassified materials from the William J. Clinton Presidential Library along with primary evidence culled from social media posted during the Arab Spring, Robert H. Gregory Jr. shows that the argument that air power eliminates the necessity for boots on the ground is an artificial and illusory claim.
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