This article examines the transatlantic cultural politics of Paolo Milano (1904-1988), an Italian-Jewish exile who acted as an editorial disseminator of both Italian literature in the United States ...and American Literature in Italy during World War II and through the 1950s. Milano's efforts to revitalize Italian and American cultural politics include his project for an Italian anthology of classic American writers and book reviews for American magazines and newspapers, especially his contributions to The New York Times Review of Books dedicated to Ignazio Silone and Carlo Levi's novels. The article concludes that, despite presenting sometimes contradictory stances, such as supporting brotherhood and homophilic initiatives while also turning a blind eye to American imperialism, Milano's transatlantic cultural politics worked to reorient the discussion on the role of culture and intellectuals in the context of an increasingly technocratic and dehumanizing society both in Italy and in the U.S.
This article provides a methodologically novel, large-scale proof of historical bias against Palestine in a newspaper of international importance – The New York Times (NYT) – during the First and ...Second Palestinian Intifadas. Using state-of-the-art natural language processing toolkits as well as a regression model with over 90 percent accuracy based on a carefully validated word bank, the author analyzes over 33,000 NYT articles for (1) their use of active/passive voice, and (2) the objectivity, tone, and violent sentiment of the language used. She follows up her quantitative analysis with a qualitative validation step, analyzing biased articles in each period. In conjunction with historical context, the article shows that anti-Palestinian bias persisted disproportionately in the NYT during both periods and, in fact, worsened from the First Intifada to the Second. This work builds on a history of qualitative research on anti-Palestinian bias in the US media and attempts to provide a methodological contribution that encourages conversation between quantitative and qualitative metrics of bias.
The article investigates how the COVID-19 pandemic around the world is represented by the New York Times (NYT) and China Daily (CD), newspapers from two countries with long-standing political ...tension. The data consists of 2572 reports that are classified into three groups: reports on COVID-19 in the US, reports on COVID-19 in China, and reports on COVID-19 in other countries/regions. The reports are analyzed in terms of their discursive news values. Analysis results show that NYT represents the pandemic in the US, and CD represents the pandemic in China as the least negative, the least impactful and with the most personal accounts. NYT represents the pandemic in China, and CD represents the pandemic in the US as the most negative, the most impactful, the most severe, and the least positive and proximate. The selection and representation of other countries/regions reflect a differentiated coverage of the "Others" by both NYT and CD. The study lends support to a previous hypothesis that domestic crises tend to be presented as less negative than those in other countries, and invites contemplation on the influence of nationalism and political antagonism on the news media in times of global health crises.
We use the events of the civil rights movement of the 1960s as context in exploring deployment of ethical principles associated with activist democratic theory by New York Times editors. The ethical ...framework helped shape coverage of perceived injustices against minorities and set the tenor of confrontation with public officials. Subscription to activist journalism ethics assumes a lack of fairness in liberal democratic processes that take place within unequal social, economic, and political environments. These media tend to challenge the status quo more vigorously than do other media. A content analysis shows that the Times pursued the civil rights story with an activist zeal that got it entangled in the historic Sullivan libel lawsuit of 1960. The paper did not scale back its tone in challenging the social order in the South – even in the face of physical intimidation of reporters and in spite of the widely assumed ‘chilling effects’ of libel. This suggests that when media cover certain issues in an activist spirit, conventional restraints engendered by fear of libel may lose effect.
The 2016 presidential election marked a new era of political campaign featured by social media-powered professional and citizen journalism. Still, legacy news organizations such as the New York Times ...(NYT) and the Washington Post amassed significant influences among voters in both online and offline settings. Against this backdrop, this study examines how NYT covered Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump during the 2016 election. Drawing upon the rich literature in moral psychology, particularly the model of intuitive morality and exemplars (MIME; Tamborini, 2012, "A Model of Intuitive Morality and Exemplars." In Media and the Moral Mind, edited by R. Tamborini, 43-74. London, England: Routledge). A computerized textual analysis of over 1,000 socially transmitted NYT stories regarding both candidates was performed. Findings show that the NYT's election coverage displayed a certain level of coverage neutrality, and the use of moral terms in NYT's coverage at critical time points might have contributed to Trump's final victory in 2016.
'New York Times Co. v. Sullivan and New York Times Co. v. United States' (Pentagon Papers) are two famous examples of a great flowering of First Amendment jurisprudence during the middle of the ...twentieth century. The philosopher Alexander Meiklejohn declared Sullivan to be "an occasion for dancing in the streets." Sullivan recognized that "the central meaning of the First Amendment" was that the state could not punish criticism of public officials made without malice either directly through the criminal law or indirectly through civil damages for defamation. Pentagon Papers reaffirmed the central First Amendment principle against prior restraints; Justice Stewart's concurring opinion added that the government could not suppress disclosure of sensitive information unless the disclosure would "surely result in direct, immediate, and irreparable damage to our Nation or its people." Together these two decisions celebrated the crucial role of the press in a democratic society, and stood for the principle that the circulation of public discourse is crucial to democratic legitimacy. Half a century later, the impact of these two decisions has been weakened by significant changes in the practices and technologies of free expression, changes that concern a revolution in the infrastructure of free expression. That infrastructure, largely held in private hands, is the central battleground over free speech in the digital era.
Abstract
One Country, Two Systems (1C2S) is a framework proposed by China to achieve national unification of territories with different economic and socio-political systems. This study explores the ...discursive construction of 1C2S in two representative Anglo-American newspapers from January 1984 through March 2020 by taking a topic modeling-assisted critical discourse studies approach. The findings suggest that the foci of coverage change throughout the years, and the reports present an increasingly negative portrayal of 1C2S and growing distrust in its future through the use of a variety of discursive strategies such as predication, intensification, and normalization. In addition to practical concerns of the U.S. and the U.K., these findings are interpreted with regard to the underlying ideological conflicts between socialist China and the two capitalist Western countries. This study also shows the advantage of integrating the topic-modelling approach into discourse studies, especially in terms of diachronic analysis.
This study inquires whether cultural proximity may explain how media handle terrorism in a global village era where cultural proximity may have given way to cosmopolitanism in news-making. Findings ...indicate that although loss of life is not culture-bound, cultural proximity persists, as comes through in the sheer contrast in the amount of coverage devoted to Paris versus Beirut. This distinction ought to be qualified, for even with Paris, the self-interest of the nation-state was prioritized, meaning that national security and welfare come first, followed by those of culturally proximate locales. Sensational violence was emphasized for both Lebanese and French victims.
In 1954, the New York Times began receiving letters from residents of California, requesting that the newspaper begin publishing a Western edition. After the Times began using tele-typesetting to ...publish same-day editions of its European edition, it was persuaded to publish an edition in California. Beginning in October 1962, publishers printed the Times in Los Angeles and distributed it throughout the Western United States. However, financial losses suffered because of the New York newspaper strike, the difficulty in attracting advertisers, and the death of the project's sponsor led to the edition's demise in January 1964. Using archival sources, this article describes the development of the short-lived West Coast edition, a signature project for Times publisher Orvil Dryfoos. Use of tele-typesetting and the publication's effect on the Los Angeles Times are considered.