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Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain ...Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain ...Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
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Filmer in the 1640s and 1650s CESARE CUTTICA
Sir Robert Filmer (1588–1653) and the patriotic monarch,
09/2015
Book Chapter
It was at Westminster that Filmer met one of his closest and most faithful friends: ‘the officially accredited voice of Personal Rule policies’ Peter Heylyn (1599–1662).¹ Notorious for his sharp ...tongue, Heylyn was not only a prolific author but was the heavyweight of the Laudian theological, ecclesiastical and ideological settlement. Once appointed to a stall at Westminster Abbey (1631), Heylyn proved to be a skilful preacher whose doctrinal views were in tune with Filmer’s. As Heylyn confirmed, their friendship formed at some stage in the 1630s in London: ‘my preferment in the Church ofWestminster, … gave me the
Constrained Parliamentarism Harshan Kumarasingham; John Power
New Accountabilities, New Challenges,
04/2015
Book Chapter
Open access
It has been an eternal quest to limit the powers of the executive. In the ‘new Westminsters’² of the Commonwealth, the Montesquieuan model of separation of powers was theoretically influential and ...yet practically avoided, as in the UK. Aside from the US and Westminster models, Bruce Ackerman has argued of a third model of democratic governance in the wake of the Second World War: constrained parliamentarism. This model sits between the presidentialist American form of Montesquieu and the parliamentary sovereignty that affords the British executive a near elective dictatorship. Constrained parliamentarism ‘rejects the US separation between executive and legislature and
Schmitt's idealized portrayal of Nineteenth century liberal parliamentarism and his dramatic account of its alleged Twentieth century deformations has influenced a broad range of thinkers in ...continental Europe. Restates Schmitt's ideas about liberal parliamentarism, and criticizes important historical and sociological features of his attack and his misleading description of the normative underpinnings of liberal parliamentarism. Argues that a critique of Schmitt can rely on a number of inconsistencies and tensions within his own account.
Poland's experience in democratic transformation is to some degree different from that of other post-communist nations because of its having been the first country to depart from a communist regime. ...It therefore had a relatively long period of power-sharing, negotiated at the Round Table conference in early 1989. The first parliament (1989-91) reflected the contractual arrangements of the Round Table and was not fully representative. The second parliament (1991-93) was paralyzed by extreme fragmentation. The third parliament, elected in 1993, is more consolidated but suffers from the absence of right-wing parties due to their failure to reach the required electoral threshold. During Lech Walesa's presidency (1990-95), relations between the president and parliament were tense, particularly after the left's victory in the 1993 election. Nonetheless, parliamentarism has survived in Poland and the democratic system has avoided constitutional crises. Poland's experience confirms the superiority of parliamentarism over presidentialism in new democracies. /// La Pologne se distingue des autres Etats post-communistes en ce qu'elle fut la première à prendre ses distances puis à rejeter le régime communiste. Elle a donc connu une plus longue période d'un pouvoir partagé selon l'accord de la Table ronde de 1989. La première législature (1989-91), reflétant en cela l'accord contractuel de 1989, ne fut pas totalement représentative. La seconde (1991-93) souffrit d'une extrême fragmentation partitaire. La troisième, élue en 1993, est plus stable mais souffre de l'absence de partis de droite n'ayant pas obtenu le quotient électoral minimum. Sous la présidence de Lech Walesa (1990-95) les relations entre le président et le parlement furent particulièrement tendues, notamment après la victoire de la gauche aux élections de 1993. Cependant, la démocratie a su éviter les crises constitutionnelles. L'expérience polonaise confirme la supériorité du système parlementaire sur le système présidentiel.
