The emergence in the United States of large-scale "megaregions" centered on major metropolitan areas is a phenomenon often taken for granted in both scholarly studies and popular accounts of ...contemporary economic geography. This paper uses a data set of more than 4,000,000 commuter flows as the basis for an empirical approach to the identification of such megaregions. We compare a method which uses a visual heuristic for understanding areal aggregation to a method which uses a computational partitioning algorithm, and we reflect upon the strengths and limitations of both. We discuss how choices about input parameters and scale of analysis can lead to different results, and stress the importance of comparing computational results with "common sense" interpretations of geographic coherence. The results provide a new perspective on the functional economic geography of the United States from a megaregion perspective, and shed light on the old geographic problem of the division of space into areal units.
BUSCANDO LA PERUANIDAD EN 7 ENSAYOS Soria, José Ignacio López
Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana,
01/2019, Volume:
45, Issue:
89
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Abstract After presenting the conceptual structure, ethical perspective, and political commitment pertaining to the perspective from which the 7 Essays are written, i analyze and criticize what ...Mariátegui proposes as "Peruvianness". Instead of following the outline of the book, i proceed chronologically throughout the stages of Peru's history, considering, in each case: the process of societal constitution, the sources for the provision of meaning, and the political representation. The works included in 7 Essays are all contributions of aspects and perspectives to enrich that reality and make it fair and equitable. De sí mismo, Mariátegui dice: "Soy, por una parte, un modesto autodidacta y, por otra, un hombre de tendencia o de partido, calidades ambas que yo he sido el primero en revindicar más celosamente" (PP 145). cuando la mirada a la realidad trata de trenzar articuladamente las perspectivas cognoscitiva, sensitiva, volitiva, artística, ética y política lo que interesa no son tanto los dramatis personae (PP 58), el mundo de la escenificación política y sus actores, cuanto lo que Mariátegui llama "el argumento de la historia" (PP 58), las raíces de los procesos históricos, el "lirismo" (PP 63) de hacer historia, el "derrotero espiritual" de un pueblo (PP 141) y su "valores signos" (PP 145).
This article explores the impact of female political representation in national parliaments on child health through a multilevel analysis. Using available Demographic and Health Surveys, we employ ...both cross-sectional data for 51 low- and middle-income countries and longitudinal data for 20 countries with multiple surveys. For both the cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses, female representation is negatively related to infant mortality and positively related to measles vaccination status. To explore potential mechanisms, we control for state spending on health and analyze whether the impact of female representation depends on a critical mass of female representatives. The analysis offers evidence that state spending accounts for some of the mediation effect and that the impact of female representation on infant death depends on a critical mass.
•The first multilevel analysis testing the relationship between female representation and child health.•Female political representation is related to improvements in child health.•State spending on child health accounts for some of this relationship.•A critical mass of female representatives might be needed for some child health outcomes.
Can’t Buy Them Love Crowder-Meyer, Melody; Cooperman, Rosalyn
The Journal of politics,
10/2018, Volume:
80, Issue:
4
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Why do Democratic women seek and hold office more frequently than Republican women? We use an original survey of donors to party campaign committees and women’s political action committees to answer ...this question. We theorize that the intense policy demanders in each party have built party cultures with substantively different orientations toward women’s political involvement. These cultures shape party elites’ behavior and influence responsiveness to a newly defined policy-demander group—women’s representation policy demanders (WRPDs)—whose primary goal is to increase women’s political representation. We reveal that Democratic elites’ political activity and financial contributions are significantly more motivated by WRPD concerns than are Republicans. We also show that WRPDs like EMILY’s List and Susan B. Anthony List are far more integrated into Democratic than Republican party coalitions. Thus, we reveal both the continued existence of distinct party cultures and the consequences of this distinction for women’s representation.
While populism has been subject to growing scholarly interest, its relationship to feminist politics has remained conspicuously understudied. This article investigates this relationship by analysing ...two cases of European populism: left populism in Spain (Podemos), and right populism in Finland (the Finns Party). The questions asked, and the challenges posed to feminist politics from populist political forces are intriguing: How is feminist politics articulated in both left and right populism? What differences can be discerned between left and right populism for feminist politics? To explore this, the article analyses three core dimensions: (1) political representation: descriptive representation (numbers of women, men and minority positions) and substantive representation (policy content in relation to gender equality); (2) populist parties’ formal and informal gender institutions such as internal quotas, gender equality plans and institutional culture; and (3) dedicated spaces for feminist politics such as women's sections or feminist groups. It is argued that political ideology matters for feminist politics, and while left parties are more responsive to feminist concerns and populism poses specific problems for feminist politics, it is the gendered culture of political parties that ensures both left and right parties are problematic for feminist politics.
Recent scholarship views populist voting as a reaction to systemic failures in political representation. This argument is however controversial due to a lack of empirical evidence. Does this ...explanation of populist support simply mirror the strategic campaign messaging of populist parties, and should thus be discounted? This study leverages state-of-the-art measures of systemic and non-systemic (i.e. individual-level) representation failures, adopting the constructs of sociotropic and egocentric incongruence. It uses data from the CSES, IPU, the POPPA dataset and the World Bank, covering 64 elections from 2001 and 2018 in 24 Western and Eastern European countries. The study finds that populism owes its success primarily to individual-level representation gaps, and not systemic ones. However, system-level failures in representation do matter in the margins, and for specific subsets of citizens. Furthermore, failures in pluralist representation have more bearing on populist support than majoritarian representation failures.
We claim that the overall effect of district magnitude on female representation is ambiguous because district magnitude increases both (a) party magnitude—which promotes the election of women, and ...(b) the number of lists getting seats—which hampers it, as marginal lists are usually headed by men. For identification, we exploit the fact that the Argentine Chamber of Deputies and the Buenos Aires legislature elect half of their members every two years, and thus some districts have varying magnitudes in concurrent and midterm elections. We find a positive but weak effect of district magnitude on female representation, which can be decomposed into a positive effect driven by party magnitude and a negative one channeled by the number of lists getting seats. We find similar results in a sample of seven Latin American countries.
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