During the reign of Maria Theresia and her son Emperor Joseph II, Trieste was completely rebuilt and became an attractive freetax port of the Habsburg Empire. From the beginning of the eighteenth ...century to the first decade of the twentieth century, the population of Trieste increased from 5,000 to 230,000 inhabitants with an incredible number of migrants coming from Central Europe and the Mediterranean coastal areas. The multiethnic middle class obtained a series of privileges never granted before to the nobility, and its status is recognisable through the passion for chamber music and symphonies of Wiener Klassik, played both in private and public concerts. With the help of Czech intellectuals and musicians, during the 1860s the native Slovenes established a group of societies in which Romantic music and national anthems or Lieder were played. This trend culminated in the foundation of the Narodni dom (National House) and the Glasbena matica (Slovene Music Society). At the same time, the Italian nationalists maintained partial control of the Opera house, and the German minority reacted with the Schillerverein, in which Julius Heller spent his energies in spreading the music of Romantic and late-Romantic authors. Despite the political clash, the three groups gave significant impulse to instrumental music, which has marked the culture of Trieste.
Razdoblje neposredno nakon Prvog svjetskog rata obilježeno je nizom političkih i gospodarskih odluka koje su nepovratno izmijenile društvenu strukturu kao i posjedovne odnose na području cijele ...Države SHS. Sa svrhom ukidanja posljednjih tragova feudalnih ili kolonatskih odnosa te ukidanja veleposjeda, agrarna je reforma bez iznimke provedena na području cijele Države. Dostupna istraživanja u značajnoj su mjeri obrazložila postupak donošenja političkih odluka, kao i postupak primjene agrarne reforme na različitim feudalnim imanjima na području Države te su od neizmjernog značaja za razumijevanje problematike u historijskom, ali i u pravnom smislu. Kada je riječ o provođenju reforme i ukidanju veleposjeda na području Slavonije, pravna historiografija raspolaže podacima o nestajanju velikih imanja slavonskoga plemstva, ali ne i o statusu posjeda bogatih posjednika, osobito onih njemačke narodnosti. U svrhu popunjavanja stanovite praznine, ovo se istraživanje nastojalo usredotočiti na pravnogospodarske učinke provođenja agrarne reforme na veleposjedu Josipa Gustava Blaua koji je istaknutim doprinosom kulturnom razvoju grada Osijeka ostavio značajan trag u historiografiji grada. Detaljnom raščlambom dostupnog arhivskog materijala, kao i komparacijom zaključaka dostupnih istraživanja nastajat će se utvrditi i prikazati veličina i pravni status veleposjeda Pomoćin prije, ali i neposredno nakon eksproprijacije u okviru provođenja agrarne reforme u razdoblju 1921. – 1929. godine.
The period immediately after the First World War was marked by a series of political and economic decisions that irrevocably changed the social structure as well as property relations in the territory of the entire State of SHS. With the purpose of abolishing the last traces of feudal or colonate relations and the abolition of large estates, the agrarian reform was carried out without exception on the territory of the entire country. The available research significantly explained the process of making political decisions, as well as the process of applying the agrarian reform on different estates in the territory of the State, and they are of immense importance for understanding the issue in a historical and legal sense. When it comes to the implementation of the reform and the abolition of large estates in the territory of Slavonia, legal historiography has data on the disappearance of large estates of the Slavonian nobility, but not on the status of the estates of wealthy landowners, especially those of German nationality. In order to fill a certain gap, this research tried to focus on the legal-economic effects of implementing the agrarian reform on the large estate of Josip Gustav Blau, who left a significant mark in the historiography of the city with his prominent contribution to the cultural development of the city of Osijek. A detailed analysis of the available archival material, as well as a comparison of the conclusions of the available research, will try to determine and present the size and the legal status of the Pomoćin estate before, but also immediately after the expropriation in the framework of the implementation of the agrarian reform in the period from 1921 to 1929.
In the paper the author analyzed the citizenship norms in the Croatian-Slavonian area in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in the period from the formation of the state in 1918 to the first ...Citizenship Law of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, which entered into force on 1 November 1928. Based on practical examples the author analyzed the relevance of various groups of norms in citizenship cases. In doing so, the author analyzed the concept of Croatian-Slavonian citizenship law in the new state, further application of abolished norms in administrative practice and application of Serbian citizenship law and other norms in the Croatian-Slavonian area. Based on the analyzed sources the author pointed out the competition of various norms and concluded that the normative complexity significantly complicated the process of standardization of citizenship law in the Croatian-Slavonian area. In addition, the author argues for a reformulation of the current understanding of the citizenship setting, which presupposes initial validity of citizenship norms enacted before 1 December of 1918 and their gradual change with new citizenship norms enacted over the following ten years. Instead, the author argues that this was only dominant practice, which was in a number of cases faced with other normativities that represented competitive solutions.
Izbijanjem Prvoga svjetskoga rata, češko vodstvo u egzilu započinje diplomatsku borbu za uspostavu neovisne čehoslovačke države koja je trebala biti u bliskom savezništvu sa zapadnim silama Antante. ...Svjesni nepovoljnog geostrateškog položaja buduće države, češki lideri Masaryk i Beneš od samoga početka projekt uspostave neovisne Čehoslovačke vezuju uz stvaranje neovisne Poljske i južnoslavenske države. U tom kontekstu barataju i s idejom Slavenskog koridora koji bi preko zapadne Ugarske – naseljene Nijemcima, Mađarima, ali i gradišćanskim Hrvatima – trebao spojiti dvije slavenske države i onemogućiti obnavljanje Austro-Ugarske, ali i spriječiti daljnji njemački Drang nach Osten. Na temelju teorije strukturalnog realizma, rad proučava ideju koridora u ratnoj fazi, kada je inicijativa u rukama češke političke emigracije, te u fazi Pariške mirovne konferencije, kada inicijativu preuzima "Velika četvorka". Rad nastoji pružiti odgovor na pitanje je li Slavenski koridor predstavljao jedan od temeljnih zahtjeva političkih predstavnika Čehoslovačke ili je korišten kao pregovarački alat za ostvarenje važnijih geopolitičkih ciljeva.
After the outbreak of World War i, the exiled Czech leadership began its diplomatic quest for the establishment of an independent Czechoslovak state that was to become a close ally of Western entente powers. Fully aware of the adverse geostrategic position of their future state, Czech leaders masaryk and Beneš coupled the project of establishing an independent Czechoslovakia with the creation of an independent poland and South Slavic state. in this context, they were considering the idea of a Slavic Corridor that would connect Czechoslovakia with Yugoslavia through a passageway in Western Hungary – an area populated by germans, magyars and Croats. the erection of the Corridor would neutralize the threat of an austro-Hungarian restoration and hinder germany’s advance towards the east (Drang nach Osten). Based on structural realism theory, the paper explores the idea of the Corridor during the war phase, when the initiative is in the hands of Czech political émigrés, and in the phase of the paris peace Conference, when the initiative is seized by the "Big Four". the paper attempts to resolve the question whether the Slavic Corridor was a central demand of Czechoslovak representatives or if it was used as a negotiation tool for the attainment of more important geopolitical goals.
Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this ...country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as those who came as exiles in 1941. Major events related to the construction of the “new” Yugoslavia took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Slovenians participated, important for the history of Slovenia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina. By actively participating in the anti-fascist war, the engagement and visions of their prominent representatives at the top of the NOP (Edvard Kardelj and others) and in the activities of the AVNOJ in 1943, determining and making its landmark decisions, the Slovenians had a significant share in the victory and establishment of a new, federal the Yugoslav state and the construction of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Complex Yugoslav federalism, with scattered forms and models, represented a specific historical phenomenon.
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