Autor analizira stavove slovenskih katoličko-narodnjačkih i liberalnih časopisa glede državnopravnih pitanja u razdoblju od Sarajevskoga atentata 1914. do zagrebačkoga sastanka u ožujku 1918. ...Katoličko-narodnjačka Slovenska pučka stranka početkom rata zauzela je snažan protusrpski stav. Dok je na vanjskopolitičkom planu dio stranke zazivao vojno kažnjavanje Srbije, na unutarnjem stranka unisono zastupa ideju hrvatsko-slovenske državne jedinice unutar Habsburške Monarhije. Slovenski su liberali na drugoj strani, unatoč osudi čina atentata, osuđivali protusrpske demonstracije te pritom naglašavali odgovornost austrougarske politike za eskalaciju rata. Uslijed širih makrogeopolitičkih događaja, prije svega povećanja vjerojatnosti Antantine pobjede, koja je povećavala strah pred implementacijom Londonskoga ugovora, te činjenice da su velikonjemački austrijski krugovi iskoristili rat protiv Srbije za širu protu(jugo)slavensku kampanju u kojoj se svaka emancipacijska težnja Slovenaca i Hrvata prikazivala kao protudržavni element, slovenski katolički narodnjaci mijenjaju strategiju. Nakon uviđanja da ni iskazivanje najsnažnijih proaustrijskih emocija te ulaganje iznimno velikih napora u predočavanje razlike između slovensko-hrvatske trijalističke vizije i velikosrpskoga koncepta neće uroditi plodom, slovenski su katolički narodnjaci krenuli putem okrupnjavanja vlastitoga političkog legitimiteta preko zauzimanja vodećih pozicija u zastupničkim tijelima austrougarskih Južnih Slavena. Budući da je za to bila potrebna i suradnja sa slovenskim liberalima te austrougarskim Srbima, taj je obrat implicirao i prihvaćanje širega južnoslavenskoga koncepta.
The author analyzes the views of Slovenian Catholic populist and liberal magazines regarding Slovenian and South Slavic statehood issues in the period from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 to the meeting in Zagreb in March 1918. At the beginning of the war, the Slovenian People's Party (SLS) took a strong anti-Serbian position and even called for military intervention in Serbia. At the same time, the party unanimously advocated the idea of a Slovene-Croatian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy as the key political goal. Slovenian liberals, on the other hand, despite condemning the act of assassination, criticized the anti-Serbian demonstrations and emphasized the responsibility of Austro-Hungarian policy for the escalation of the war. As a result of wider macro-geopolitical events, foremost the increased probability of the Entente's victory, which implied the possibility of the implementation of the London Pact, as well as the use by Great German circles in Austria of the war against Serbia for a wider anti-(South) Slavic campaign in which every Slovenian and/or Croatian emancipatory aspiration was portrayed as an anti-state element, Slovenian Catholic populists changed their political direction. After realizing that even expressing the strongest pro-Austrian emotions and investing very great efforts in presenting the difference between the Slovenian-Croatian trialist vision and the Greater Serbian concept would not bear fruit, the SLS decided to change its strategy and to consolidate its own political legitimacy by attaining leading positions in the representative bodies of the Austro-Hungarian South Slavs. Since this required collaboration with Slovenian liberals and Austro-Hungarian Serbs, it also implied the acceptance of a broader South Slavic concept.
The article, a revised version of a lecture given at the Institute for Ethnic Studies in Ljubljana, discusses the domestic and international dimensions of minority politics in postNazi Carinthia. ...Based on archival research in Britain, Austria and Slovenia (Yugoslavia) it argues that despite Austria's transition from National Socialist rule to post-war democracy there was evidence of a basic continuity in the stigmatisation (and self-stigmatisation) of the Slovene minority. This continuity largely explains why Carinthian politics moved in an increasingly anti-Slovene direction in the 1950s, leading in 1958 to the demolition of the bilingual school system which had been introduced in 1945. The international dimension, Yugoslavia's territorial claim, the policies of the West and the Cold War are also discussed but the article argues that they were secondary to the dynamics of provincial politics.
V príspevku je predstavljen razmislek o vlogi slovenskih krovnih organizacij SKGZ in SSO pri politični participaciji Slovencev v Italiji. Na osnovi teoretičnih virov avtorici izpostavljata pomembne ...vidike koristnosti obstoja krovnih organizacij kot mehanizma politične participacije narodnih manjšin. Na osnovi izsledkov empirične raziskave o predstavništvu in organiziranosti slovenske skupnosti v Italiji pa predstavita ključne dileme, s katerimi se soočata SKGZ in SSO pri svojem delovanju, predvsem na področjih reprezentativnosti, procesov odločanja (in organiziranosti) ter vodenja (in z njim povezanega načina delovanja krovnih organizacij), in razmišljata o možnih rešitvah.
Based on archival material and relevant literature, this text analyses and presents the activities of the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first years after the end of the First World ...War. During this period, the struggle for workers'rights, mostly through strike actions, resulted, among other things, in an increase in wages, the introduction of eight-hour working days in most companies, the exercise of the right to elect workers' commissioners and trade unions. The workers managed to get other benefits related to the economic position of the workers, such as retail co-operatives, apartments, assistance in purchasing work suits, etc. Workers' representatives fought for a radically better position and a new place in society. In addition to eight-hour working days, higher wages and other demands to improve the material position of workers, strikes against the political disenfranchisement of workers were conducted during this period, as well as for political freedoms and democratisation of political life in the country. During 1919 and 1920, several strikes about pay were organised by miners, construction workers and metalworkers in the forest industry, catering workers and employees in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bijeljina, Brčko, Zenica, Breza, Mostar, Zavidovići, Dobrljin, Lješljani, Maslovarama and Rogatica. It was part of over 125 strikes by workers in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of legal activity of the Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (SLPY) (c), i.e. the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and its close trade unions. At the initiative of the SLPY (c) and united syndicates, public political assemblies were organised in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar, Brčko, Derventa, Vareš and Drvar, at which demands were put forward to dissolve the authorities, and organise democratic elections for the Constituent Assembly and demobilise the army. The aggravation of the political situation in the first post-war years was noticeable in many local communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a number of cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there were physical confrontations between workers and security bodies of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. One such example occurred, in Zenica in mid-October 1920, when police banned the Communists' attempt to hold an assembly despite a previously imposed ban. On that occasion, the gathered mass of 2,500 workers refused to disperse and demanded that the assembly be held. After the police and the gendarmerie tried to disperse the gathered workers, there was open conflict. Workers threw stones at security officials, and they responded by firing firearms. The rally was eventually broken up, one worker was wounded and twelve workers were hurt during a clash with police. Owing to the increasing engagement of workers' representatives, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina worsened. It was not uncommon to have open conflicts between workers and government officials. After the collapse of the Husino uprising, the position of workers deteriorated. Also, this paper discusses the impact of the revolutions in Eastern and Central Europe on the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The paper discusses the intertwined relationship between identity construction, language practices and language ideologies of Slovenes and Friulians in the Province of Udine, Friuli Venezia Giulia, ...Italy. We are dealing with two indigenous linguistic minorities whose native language was historically restricted to the private sphere of life. However, due to altered social conditions of decentralization and globalization, the ever-increasing use of these languages outside private sphere has been noticed. The phenomenon will be illuminated by the statements of the members of both linguistic minorities. The final part of the paper will present the reawakening of a dying culture and language of the village of Topolove through an art festival, called Postaja Topolove/Stazione Topolò, whose basic concept is to avoid folklorism and create the most advanced artwork search.
This paper aims to bring to the public one of the most important moments in the history of modern times of Albania. After the Albanian independence on 28 November 1912 and international recognition ...of Albanian state on 29 July 1913, in 1919-1920, many national and international events unraveled which initially posed a real danger for Albania to become an independent state. The Paris Peace Conference, organized after the First World War by the Great Powers which win the war, and in which 27 winning states took part, became the real world center of that time. The Albanian point of view was headed directly at this Conference, with the hope to gain its independence and to win the right of self determination for its people. The main issues of the Conference were: border correction, especially in the southern part of Albania, relations between the Balkan states regarding Albania, the position of Italy, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and the position of Greece over Albania, and the real threat of secret pact during the First World War and the new role of American President, Woodrow Wilson. This paper also aims to bring the attitude of the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference and the position of Italy, France, Great Britain and Greece.
Slovenska skupnost v Italiji je budno spremljala dogajanje v Sloveniji ob razglasitvi samostojnosti junija 1991 in napadu Jugoslovanske ljudske armade, ki ji je sledil. Prispevek se na podlagi ...časopisnega poročanja osredotoča na predstavitev nekaterih osrednjih javnih dogodkov, dobrodelne pomoči in aktivnosti mladih, ki so bili plod skupnega nastopa in delovanja slovenske skupnosti v Italiji ob dogajanju v Sloveniji. S tovrstnimi dogodki so predstavniki manjšine poskušali vplivati na odločitve italijanskega in evropskega političnega vrha, da bi intervenirala ob vojaški agresiji in podprla slovensko osamosvojitev. Hkrati so v svoje delovanje uspeli vključiti širšo javnost, ki je množično sodelovala na javnih manifestacijah in v dobrodelnih akcijah za pomoč Sloveniji.
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