Koncept vojne potrošnje je star koliko i prve stare civilizacije. Vojska je, kao prva i jedina crta obrane,
oduvijek imala veliku ulogu u potrošnji zemalja. Vojna potrošnja se mijenjala kroz povijest ...baš kao i
shvaćanje vojnih snaga koje su predstavljale vojnu silu neke zemlje. Razvojem društva pojavili su se
mnogi drugi prioriteti po pitanju državne potrošnje, no s obzirom na to da je usmjerena na obranu
stanovništva, održavanje mira i očuvanje državnih granica kao primarnih oblika javnog dobra, vojna
potrošnja je zadržala svoj status kroz cjelokupnu povijest čovječanstva.
Globalizirani svijet u kakvom danas živimo je sve to promijenio, posebno kad govorimo o obrani
države od stranih i domaćih prijetnji. Razvoj tehnologije i sama globalizacija su drastično promijenile
koncept ratovanja a time i samu strukturu i razinu vojne potrošnje. Tehnološka razina je jedan od
najboljih pokazatelja razvoja jedne zemlje, no i snage njene vojske. Naravno, vojnu silu je teško
održati bez jednako adekvatne gospodarske sile jer su upravo razvijeno gospodarstvo i jaka industrija
ono što omogućuje razvoj obrambenog potencijala zemlje i njegovo financiranje.
Autor prikazuje historijski razvoj odnosa crkve i države u Velikoj Britaniji od engleskog crkvenog raskola 1534. godine sve do suvremenih promjena. U skladu s pristupom historijskog ...institucionalizma, rad nastoji identificirati ključne prekretnice u odnosima crkve i države, koje su u bitnome određivale stvaranje suvremenog britanskog modela odnosa države i crkve. Budući da se u prikazima odnosa crkve i države u Europi britanski model često simplificirano opisuje kao model “državne crkve”, ovaj rad nastoji prikazati neke od ključnih karakteristika pravno-političkog uređenja odnosa prema crkvama te društvene promjene koje dovode do modifikacija idealtipskog modela “državne crkve”. Pri tome se posebno značajnom čini debata o multikulturnom društvu u Velikoj Britaniji, kao i mogućnosti i ograničenja različitih teorija multikulturalizma. Budući da je britanski model odnosa crkve i države reprezentativan za slične modele u skandinavskim zemljama, vrijednost istraživanja može se proširiti i na europsku razinu pronalaženja jedinstvenog zajedničkog pristupa dijalogu s crkvama, vjerskim zajednicama i zajednicama ateističkih i agnostičkih uvjerenja.
U radu se komparativno istražuje te se daje pregled sustava upravljanja učinkovitošću u četirima europskim zemljama: Velikoj Britaniji (pritom se zasebno analizira Englesku, Škotsku i Wales), ...Austriji, Italiji i Danskoj. U svakoj zemlji opisuje se način mjerenja učinkovitosti na lokalnoj ili središnjoj razini vlasti, temeljne svrhe za koje se informacije dobivene mjerenjem koriste, period kada je sustav uveden i mijenjan, glavno tijelo koje je zaduženo za sustav te stvarni efekti do kojih je sustav doveo. Uz opis i objašnjenje stanja, kategoriziraju se zemlje s obzirom na razvijenost sustava upravljanja učinkovitošću. Uz to, cilj je rada i primjena komparativnih iskustava kako bi se formulirale preporuke za unaprjeđenje upravljanja učinkovitošću u Hrvatskoj, stoga se prikazuje i postojeći sustav upravljanja učinkovitošću u Hrvatskoj.
The concept of military expenditures is as old as the first antic civilizations. The military, as the first andonly line of defense, has always had a great role in the expenditures of countries. ...Military expenditures changed through history, as has the very understanding of the armed forces which represented the military might of a country. Through the evolution of society many other priorities have emerged concerning state expenditures, but because of their focus on population defense, upholding peace and protecting the country borders as the first and primary forms of public goods, have themilitary expenditures kept their steadfastness through the entire human history.
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- The research of the existing archive sources and historical literature proved that the influence of Philip Hristic (1819 – 1905), ...Serbian diplomat and politician was not well known. The examination of historical personalities could make a major contribution to the knowledge of the political and diplomatic scene of the 19th century Serbia. Judging by his accomplishments in diplomacy, politics, education and finance, the life of Philip Hristic enriches the history of the Principality and latter Kingdome of Serbia. Introduction to the political biography of Philip Hristic requires from the researcher the analyses of the stand of the Serbian historiography toward his historical personality and his meaning for Serbian history. His family roots leading from the First Serbian Uprising, his companionship with the young princes from the Obrenovic dynasty and latter his wedding with the daughter of reach Greek merchant Hadzi Toma Opulos influenced his political beliefs. The dissertation sheds light on Hristic `s personal features and his life commitment to diplomacy and political engagements. His professional accomplishments were historically researched to prove the importance of his political biography. Hristic was characterized in the Serbian historiography as a week politician, unable to hold a stable first government of the prince Michael without the conflict with the political opponents. He was also accused of using family relations to gain political positions. Within his biography this dissertation will try presented these facts differently. The special attention is dedicated to the path of development of Philip Hristic from the beginning of his schooling and the start of his carrier toward examining his ideas, thoughts and planes during his long life. This period includes the dynasty change on the Serbian throne, first rule of the prince Michel Obrenovic, the return of the fortresses from Turkey to Serbia at the time when Philip Hristic was a member of the State Council. Special attention was paid to Hristic `s missions in Constantinople from 1870 to 1880 with interruptions, his missions to Vienna, Berlin and Rome. Hristic`s educational work reached his peek when he was instituted as minister of education in 1873/74. The connections of Philip Hristic with Great Britain were researched from 1863 when he was sent to a mission to England with princess Julia Obrenovic to 1883/84 when he was posted as a first Serbian extraordinary and plenipotentiary minister to Great Britain. Those connections were emphasized not only during Hristic`s stay in Great Britain, but especially during his service in Constantinople where he was posted because of his connections to Great Britain. After the Crimean war Great Britain was the most influential great power in the Ottoman Empire, especially from 1870-s to 1880-s. After Hristic`s retirement from the diplomatic service, he was posted to the position of the second Serbian Governor of the First Serbian National Bank from 1885 to 1889. After this position Hrisitic also retired from Belgrade social life to his villa in Topcider. Such a rich life is the reason that he deserves the attention of the Serbian historiography. The research of his life can contribute to social and cultural history of the Serbian Principality from the 19th to the beginning of the 20th century. Researching the existing historical sources and literature established how Hristic in his professional carrier kept his influence on the Serbian political and diplomatic scene. The research tried to explain his influence on the political development of Serbia and his political standing. During his youth Hristic, with other important members of Serbian educated state planed political elite, brought into Serbia the spirit of Enlightenment. Hristic was characterized as a conservative politician because of his long term loyalty towards the Serbian princes. He was loyal not only to Obrenovic rulers but also to the Karadjodjevic dynasty. Hristic`s family relations were explored in order to establish how they contributed to his political advancement. It is recognized that his marital connection with one of the richest and most influential families led to his fast promotion. It was also researched how his affiliation to the youth liberal generation, Jovan Ristic`s generation (1858–1878) that was politically divided between conservatives and liberals, influenced Hristic political determination. His connections with Serbian political elite educated abroad influenced his long existence in Serbian politics. It must be stressed out that Hristic a few times kept his government service because of his family and friend relations. This political biography is aiming to show how big is the contribution of a single individual to the development of the Serbian society during the 19th and the 20th century. One of the most important parts of this work is the study of the relation between the Philip Hristic and Jovan Ristic, one of the most famous Serbian politicians of the 19th century Hristic was an acknowledged member of the Serbian elite, he was one of the first members of the of the Serbian Slavic Society, Serbian Learning Society and the Serbian Royal Academy. This represents his contribution to the Serbian culture. The dissertation consists of the fourteen separate chapters, formulated on the chronological principle. Political and diplomatic state functions of Philip Hristic were first explained and secondly his sociological, cultural and social contribution to the development of the Serbian Principality and Serbian Kingdom. The period when Philip Hristic was the first minister of prince Michel Obrenovic and contributed to adaption of the statehood lows of Serbian parliament presents one of the most important periods in his carrier. The second most important part of Hristic`s carrier was his stay in Constantinople from 1870 to 1880, with some interruptions. Philip Hristic`s diplomatic service was much more respected than his state political carrier. His contemporaries appreciated Hristic `s mission with princess Julia in Great Britain in 1863 as well as his missions to the Ottoman Empire from 1870 to 1880. Hristic’ s contribution during his post as a Serbian representative to the Ottoman Empire from 1870 to 1880couuld not be disputed. . Nobody else could at that time, carry out the difficult negotiations with the Turks. Hristic specially conducted negotiations with the Ottoman Empire about the Serbian connection to the Turkish railway. He at that time even declerared the second Serbian war to the Ottoman Empire in 1877. Latter, when Serbia acquired the railway connection, Hristic continued to lead the talks about the finance problems of the Serbian ralway construction. Hristic was accused that he accepted a bribe from the French financiers to recommend the French Railway Society. He was very offended by this accusation and complained to the premier of the Serbian government Chedomir Mijatovic that all his merits toward the Serbian state were forgotten. Serbian prince belived those accusations against Philip Hristic, which was even more insulting to the Serbian diplomat. Other contemporaries, like Milan DJ. Milicevic, left the description of the personality of Philip Hrisitic. He stressed out that Philip Hristic spoke German, French and English. He wrote Serbian nicely and shortly In Milicevic`s memories we can find one of the rare physical descriptions of Philip Hristic. That is of great importance because it represents the description by his contemporary. Milicevic wrote that Hristic was “ a small person, with a brown curled hair, small cunning brown eyes, with pointy chin, round head and with a clear and smooth face”. “He was always dressed in a suite and a very smooth talker.” His behavior was sheepish towards older and more important persons and bold towards younger, but he was always capable to see his own benefit. Hristic contributed to the development of the Serbian diplomacy from the separate missions to the permanent legations. He held the steady position of the diplomatic Serbian envoy in Austria-Hungary, Italy, Germany and Great Britain. Even though he was described as a conservative politician and a skilled diplomat, until the formation of the political parties in Serbia Hristic did not belong to any party. He cooperated with liberal politicians led by Jovan Ristic. Ristic and Hristic terminated their political association after the establishment of the progressive party in 1881, when Hristic proclaimed himself as a conservative politician supporting the progressive party. The progressive party suited Hristic because of its pro-western ideas. Hristic was never a member of any political party. Hristic was the person of impeccable tact who always showed his loyalitiy to the ruler, the dynasty and the power of law. This dissertation proved that the appearance of Philip Hristic on the Serbian political and diplomatic 19th century scene was much more important than the Serbian historiography so far assessed. With his inherent diplomatic skill he helped the development of the Serbian diplomacy before and after the declaration of the Serbian independent state. With his political, legislative, educational and cultural work Hristic also considerably contributed to the modernization of Serbia.- Cilj doktorske disertacije je bio da dokaže značaj ličnosti Filipa Hristića (1819 – 1905) na političkoj i diplomatskoj sceni Srbije 19. veka. Hristić je tokom svog dugog života uticao na razvoj zakonodavstva, diplomatije, prosvete, kulture i finasija u Srbiji. Komparacijom postojećih istorijskih izvora autor je dokazao da srpska istoriografija nije u potpunosti ocenila značaj Hristićeve ličnosti za razvoj srpske države i društva u 19. i početkom 20. veka. Istraživanja su obavljena u Arhivu SANU, Arhivu Srbije, Narodnoj biblioteci Srbije i The National Archives u Londonu. Obimno pr
Posljednjih nekoliko godina fenomen migracija izaziva iznimnu medijsku pozornost u cijeloj Europi, a među mnogobrojnim pitanjima koje ta široka i višeslojna tema otvara, nameće se i pitanje uloge ...jezika u konstruiranju prikaza migranata i oblikovanju stavova o njima. U ovom radu proučavaju se diskursne strategije koje se upotrebljavaju kod imenovanja i opisivanja migranata kao pojedinaca i kao društvene skupine. Središnji dio rada posvećen je analizi upotrebe strategija nominacije i predikacije (Reisigl i Wodak 2001), a osnovni cilj je analizirati jezik kojim mediji imenuju migrante i opisuju njihove osobine. Kako bi se ostvario osnovni cilj rada, nužno je razmotriti i konstrukciju opreke Mi/Oni, usko vezane uz pozitivan prikaz Sebe i negativan prikaz Drugoga, a uz pretpostavku da se konstruiranjem negativne slike o Drugom pridonosi oblikovanju pozitivne slike o Sebi. Opozicija Mi/Oni
ostvaruje se u odnosu dvaju glavnih društvenih aktera, tj. Europe/europskih zemalja i migranata, a stajališta o migrantima kao dionicima društvene zbilje ispituju se na uzorcima korpusa preuzetih iz britanskih i talijanskih dnevnih novina.
Velika Britanija jedna je od istaknutih europskih zemalja koja nikada nije imala brojčano značajniji komunistički pokret, dok je marksizam uglavnom bio ograničen na krajnje lijevo orijentirane ...enklave u Walesu i Škotskoj, infiltracije u Laburističku stranku ili najčešće na akademsku zajednicu. Međutim, radnički pokret u svojim radikalnijim oblicima proizveo je brojne spomenike, memorijalne komplekse i prostore razbacane po urbanim pa čak i ruralnim sredinama Velike Britanije. Najčešće su to spomenici porazu, uzme li se u obzir odsutnost bilo kakvoga hegemonijskog socijalizma u državi. Jednako tako, neobično su figurativni u odnosu na javne skulpture karakteristične za 20. stoljeće te upućuju na donekle neočekivani tradicionalizam kakav se obično ne povezuje sa Zapadom u okviru polariteta Hladnog rata, na kojima se često temelji analiza spomeničkog stvaralaštva. Ovaj rad razmatra naracije o herojskim neuspjesima izražene u obliku mozaika, murala, skulptura i spomen-ploča u južnom Walesu, na sjeveru Engleske te u Londonu, u nastojanju da odgovori na pitanje kako izgledaju socijalistički spomenici u zemlji u kojoj socijalizam u povijesnom smislu nikad nije zaživio.
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