After-school community-based spaces are often recognized in political and educational discourse as institutions that "save" and "rescue" Black youth. Such rhetoric perpetuates an ethos of pathology ...that diminishes the agency of youth and their communities. Through ethnographic research with 20 youth workers at a college completion and youth development after-school program in the urban Northeast, findings indicate that tensions arise as youth workers strive to reimagine Black youth in humanizing ways despite pressures to frame them as broken and in need of fixing to compete for funding with charter schools. Data also reveal deep tensions in youth workers' experiences as they critique neoliberal reforms that shape their work; yet, at the same time, they are forced to hold students to markers of success defined by neoliberal ideals. These tensions result in youth workers downplaying the social, cultural, and emotional dimensions of their work.
This review examines how international development has been studied by anthropologists, both as a particular form of institutional practice and as the terms of global economic and cultural ...integration. This review also explains a shift from an anthropological critique of the discursive power of development toward the ethnographic treatment of development as a category of practice. It reviews research into organizational and knowledge practices, and the life-worlds of "Aidland," before turning to anthropological approaches to neoliberal development and the new aid architecture and, finally, to three significant current issues: the importance of business in development and corporate social responsibility; the donor focus on poverty as the result of the failure of government, conflict, and insecurity; and the growing importance of new donors such as China and India. This review concludes with comments about how engagement with international development has encouraged reflection on the practice of anthropology itself.
International volunteering occupies a popular place in contemporary UK public imaginations. It is supported by a range of stakeholders, including the state, the corporate sector and non-government ...organisations (NGOs), which increasingly share a narrative emphasising international volunteering's capacity to develop volunteers whose impacts on global equity or their professional identities emerge on their return as much as during their stay overseas. This paper explores discourses and practices of citizenship, professionalisation and partnership as they produce and are produced through contemporary international volunteering. We do this through interrogating the overlapping genealogies of international volunteering and development. Our analysis explores the ways in which international volunteering seems to both exemplify neoliberal ideas of individual autonomy, improvement and responsibility and at the same time allies itself to notions of collective global citizenship, solidarity, development and activism. To illustrate our argument we examine two sets of volunteering partnerships, those that support the Department for International Development's £10 million, 3-year programme focused on sending young, British disadvantaged people as international volunteers, and the corporate citizenship volunteer programmes supported by VSO and the international consulting firm, Accenture. Interrogating contemporary state, corporate and civil society promotion of international volunteering allows us to examine how notions of professionalisation and global and neoliberal citizenship are produced through development imaginaries, and are negotiated and constructed among and by new volunteering populations and sectors at a moment when, particularly due to the credit crunch, economic and career futures are fragile and uncertain.
Given the neoliberal agenda implemented by Paulo Guedes’s Ministry of the Economy, the Bolsonaro government’s nationalist stance has prompted academic debates over its rationales. Once the populist ...and conservative foundations of that nationalism are understood, however, there is no contradiction between it and Bolsonaro’s economic policy.
La agenda neoliberal implementada por el Ministerio de Economía de Paulo Guedes aparentemente cuestiona la postura nacionalista del gobierno de Bolsonaro y ha provocado debates académicos en torno a sus razones fundamentales. Sin embargo, una vez que se entienden las razones populistas y el conservatismo detrás de dicho nacionalismo, no hay contradicción entre estas y la política económica de Bolsonaro.
The Hybrid Spatialities of Transition Golubchikov, Oleg; Badyina, Anna; Makhrova, Alla
Urban studies (Edinburgh, Scotland),
03/2014, Volume:
51, Issue:
4
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
This paper conceptualises post-socialist urban economic geographies through the notion of hybrid spatialities that emerge from the mutual embeddedness of neoliberalism and socialist legacies. While ...the dismantling of state socialism was a massive moment towards the exacerbation of uneven development, ironically it is the socialist-era spatial legacy that has become the single major differentiating factor for the economic status of cities. This superficial overdetermination, however, masks the root causes of uneven development that must be seen in the logic of capitalism and its attendant practices which subsume legacy, recode its meaning, and recast the formerly equalitarian spaces as an uneven spatial order. The authors argue that the socialist legacy, rather than being an independent carrier of history, has been alienated from its history to become an infrastructure of neoliberalisation, conducive to capitalist process. The paper draws specifically on the experiences of Russia, although its reflections should reverberate much more broadly.
This article examines the role of drought and climate change as triggers of the Syrian uprising that started in March 2011. It frames the 2006-10 drought that struck north-eastern Syria in the ...context of rapid economic liberalization and long-standing resource mismanagement, and shows that the humanitarian crisis of the late 2000s largely predated the drought period. It argues that focusing on external factors like drought and climate change in the context of the Syrian uprising is counterproductive as it diverts attention from more fundamental political and economic motives behind the protests and shifts responsibility away from the Syrian government.
This article revisits the notion of radical planning from the standpoint of the global South. Emerging struggles for citizenship in the global South, seasoned by the complexities of state–citizen ...relations within colonial and post-colonial regimes, offer an historicized view indispensable to counter-hegemonic planning practices. The article articulates the notion of insurgent planning as radical planning practices that respond to neoliberal specifics of dominance through inclusion – that is, inclusive governance. It characterizes the guiding principles for insurgent planning practices as counter-hegemonic, transgressive and imaginative. The article contributes to two current conversations within planning scholarship: on the implication of grassroots insurgent citizenship for planning, and on (de)colonization of planning theory.
How do teenage girls articulate sexism in an era where gender injustice has been constructed as a thing of the past? Our article addresses this question by qualitatively exploring Canadian girls' ...experiences of being caught between the postfeminist belief that gender equality has been achieved and the realities of their lives in school, which include incidents of sexism in their classrooms, their social worlds, and their projected futures. This analysis takes place in relation to two celebratory postfeminist narratives: Girl Power, where girls are told they can do, be, and have anything they want, and Successful Girls, where girls are told they are surpassing boys in schools and work-places. We argue that these postfeminist narratives have made naming sexism in schools difficult for girls because they are now seen to "have it all." Utilizing Foucault's (1978) law of the tactical polyvalence of discourse, this article analyzes girls' contradictory engagement with postfeminism in order to both show its importance in girls' lives, and its instability as a narrative that can adequately explain gender injustice.
From state feminism to market feminism? Kantola, Johanna; Squires, Judith
International political science review,
09/2012, Volume:
33, Issue:
4
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
This article argues that the concept of 'state feminism' no longer adequately captures the complexity of emerging feminist engagements with new forms of governance. It suggests that 'market feminism' ...offers a new conceptual framework from which feminist engagements with the state can be analysed and evaluated, and the changes within state feminism can be understood. The article documents the growing feminist embrace of the logic of the market, which manifests itself in changed practices and priorities. The article gives examples of 'market feminism' and argues that the move from state feminism to market feminism impacts on both the political practices and policy priorities of women's policy agencies. Cet article soutient que le concept de « féminisme d'État » ne rend plus compte correctement de la complexité des engagements féministes émergents dans les nouvelles formes de gouvernance. Il suggère que le « féminisme de marché » offre un nouveau cadre conceptuel dans lequel peuvent être analysées et évaluées les interactions féministes avec l'État, et compris les changements dans le féminisme d'État. L'article révèle la prise en compte féministe croissante de la logique du marché, qui se manifeste dans la modification des pratiques et priorités. Il donne des exemples du féminisme de marché et montre que la mutation du féminisme d'État vers le féminisme de marché agit tant sur les pratiques politiques que sur les priorités des politiques publiques relatives aux femmes. Este artículo sostiene que el concepto de 'feminismo de Estado' ha dejado de captar adecuadamente la complejidad de las relaciones actuales del feminismo con las nuevas formas de la gobernanza. Propone que el concepto de 'feminismo de Mercado' ofrece un nuevo marco conceptual para analizar y evaluar los compromisos del feminismo con el Estado, y también para interpretar los cambios acaecidos dentro del propio feminismo de Estado. El artículo documenta la progresiva adopción de la lógica del Mercado por parte del feminismo de Estado, manifiesta en los cambios acaecidos tanto en sus prácticas como en sus prioridades. El artículo ofrece ejemplos de 'feminismo de Mercado' que muestran cómo la transformación del feminismo de Estado en feminismo de Mercado ejerce un impacto en las prácticas y prioridades políticas de los organismos institucionales para la mujer.
International organizations (IOs) suffuse world politics, but the International Monetary Fund (IMF) stands out as an unusually important IO. My research suggests that IMF lending is systematically ...biased. Preferential treatment is largely driven by the degree of similarity between beliefs held by IMF officials and key economic policy-makers in the borrowing country. This article describes the IMF's ideational culture as “neoliberal,” and assumes it to be stable during the observation window (1980–2000). The beliefs of top economic policy-makers in borrowing countries, however, vary in terms of their distance from IMF officials' beliefs. When fellow neoliberals control the top economic policy posts the distance between the means of the policy team's beliefs and the IMF narrows; consequently, IMF loans become less onerous, more generous, and less rigorously enforced. I gathered data on the number of conditions and the relative size of loans for 486 programs in the years between 1980 and 2000. I collected data on waivers, which allow countries that have missed binding conditions to continue to access funds, as an indicator for enforcement. I rely on indirect indicators, gleaned from a new data set that contains biographical details of more than 2,000 policy-makers in ninety developing countries, to construct a measure of the proportion of the top policy officials that are fellow neoliberals. The evidence from a battery of statistical tests reveals that as the proportion of neoliberals in the borrowing government increases, IMF deals get comparatively sweeter.
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