Romsko stanovništvo prisutno je na području Hrvatskog zagorja vjerojatno od druge polovice XIV. st. Odnos vlasti i stanovništva prema Romima ovdje je bio sličan kao i na drugim hrvatskim područjima, ...što je nerijetko značio politiku represivne asimilacije. Takva politika prema Romima posebno je bila izražena za vrijeme Drugoga svjetskog rata kada su ih ustaške vlasti progonile. U ljeto 1941. bio je proveden popis Roma u Hrvatskom zagorju, kao i u drugim dijelovima NDH, a prikupljeni podaci pomogli su ustaškim vlastima u provođenju sustavne deportacije Roma iz Hrvatskog zagorja u jasenovački koncentracijski logor, gdje je većina njih mučena i ubijena.
The Roma population has probably been present in the area of Hrvatsko Zagorje since the second half of the 14th Century. The attitude of the authorities and the population in this area towards the Roma was similar to that in other Croatian areas, which often meant a policy of repressive assimilation. Such a repressive policy towards the Roma was especially visible during the Second World War when they were persecuted by the Ustasha authorities. In the summer of 1941, a census of Roma in Hrvatsko zagorje was conducted, as well as in other parts of the Independent State of Croatia, by which the Ustasha authorities obtained data on their demographic and socio-economic structure. In May 1942, the Ustasha authorities ordered systematic deportation of Roma to the Jasenovac concentration camp, including Roma from the area of Hrvatsko zagorje. The consequence of such a policy is that the Roma community in Hrvatsko zagorje had been almost completely destroyed by the Ustasha authorities.
Ovaj rad rezultat je antropološke studije o utjecaju prisilnog raseljavanja, genocida i nestalih osoba na društvene identitete preživjelih žena, njihovih obitelji i lokalnih zajednica. U prvom dijelu ...rada iznesene su statističke i historiografske činjenice vezane uz nedavna ratna stradanja u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) te se upozorava na nedostatke kvantitativnoga istraživačkog pristupa u donošenju zaključaka o biti, karakteru i posljedicama ratnih događanja na različite demografske i rodne grupacije u BiH. U drugom dijelu – kroz etnografski opis života jedne od ratnih udovica i majke koja je izgubila dva sina, a koja danas živi u dijaspori – autor opisuje teškoće koje prate ratne udovice, kako na psihološkoj tako i na sociokulturnoj razini, kao i razloge zbog kojih su se mnoge od njih odlučile na migraciju u treće zemlje. Rad potom opisuje kako je medicinska i forenzička DNK-biotehnologija pomogla u rehumaniziranju nestalih i ubijenih, dok je poslijeratna birokracija u BiH, dobrim dijelom, imala drugačiji, dehumanizirajući učinak na ratne udovice i preživjele, što je nerijetko bio jedan od razloga njihove emigracije. U zaključku se autor zalaže za aktivistički pristup druš¬tveno-humanističkih istraživanja vezanih uz problematiku koja prati ratne udovice, a s ciljem zaštite i promicanja njihovih ljudskih prava i dostojanstva.
Povijest romskoga stanovništva na hrvatskim područjima većinom je bila obilježena razdobljima u kojima su ga vlasti nastojale represivnim putem asimilirati u većinsko
stanovništvo. Za vrijeme Drugoga ...svjetskog rata nacističke su vlasti i njihovi
saveznici proveli genocid nad njima. Upravo je to ratno razdoblje smatrano
središnjom točkom u povijesti romskoga stanovništva. U radu se analizira na
koji se način pisalo o stradanju Roma u odabranim leksikografskim djelima
izdanima od 1945. do danas. Kako bi se bolje razumjeli rezultati ove analize, istraživanjem su obuhvaćene leksikografske publikacije određenih europskih zemalja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su kako je tema stradanja Roma u hrvatskim
leksikografskim izdanjima nedovoljno zastupljena, što je bio slučaj i u drugim
europskim leksikografijama. Ovakav odnos hrvatske leksikografije prema
povijesti jedne od najstarijih i danas jedne od brojnijih manjinske skupine u
Republici Hrvatskoj odraz je marginalizacije kulture sjećanja na romske žrtve
unutar hrvatskoga društva, posebice u znanosti i kulturi.
Similarly to other European countries, the history of the Roma population in Croatian areas was marked mostly by most periods of persecution and suffering, when the
authorities tried to use repression in order to assimilate the Roma into the
majority population. One such period was during World War II, when genocide
against the Roma was carried out in many European countries by the Nazi
authorities and their allies. After the War, the culture of remembering Roma
victims became marginalised in Croatia. This paper examines how Croatian
lexicography approached the issue of the significance of Roma suffering during
World War II in selected lexicographical works from 1945 till today, and
compares it to lexicographical publications from certain other European
countries. Research shows that Croatian lexicography neglected the importance
of Roma genocidal suffering as a central point in the history of the Roma
population. Such a similar marginal attitude towards Roma suffering in World
War II was present in other European lexicographies, which is only one of the
arguments in favour of the thesis that post-war society in Europe, including
Croatian society, neglected the importance of researching Roma suffering in war
and thus marginalised the culture of remembrance of Roma victims of genocide,
especially in science and culture.
The twentieth century has been called, not inaccurately, a century of genocide. And the beginning of the twenty-first century has seen little change, with genocidal violence in Darfur, Congo, Sri ...Lanka, and Syria. Why is genocide so widespread, and so difficult to stop, across societies that differ so much culturally, technologically, and politically?
That's the question that this collection addresses, gathering a stellar roster of contributors to offer a range of perspectives from different disciplines to attempt to understand the pervasiveness of genocidal violence. Challenging outdated beliefs and conventions that continue to influence our understanding, Genocide constitutes a major contribution to the scholarship on mass violence.
U tekstu se razmatra revizionistička struja u suvremenoj hrvatskoj historiografiji, a posredno i u politici, koja se bavi Nezavisnom Državom Hrvatskom (1941-1945). Revizionistički narativ čine tri ...glavne postavke: (a) NDH je bila normalna onodobna protupobunjenička država koja nije koristila državni teror kako bi uništila vjerske i etničke zajednice koje su u ustaškoj ideologiji i politici bile odreðene kao prirodni ili organski neprijatelji te tvorevine, nego je primjenjivala ograničena legitimna sredstva borbe da bi se zaštitila od političkih pobunjenika; (b) u NDH nisu izvršeni masovni zločini, a kamoli genocid, ni nad Srbima, ni nad Židovima, ni nad Romima; štoviše, glavne žrtve bili su Hrvati te zločine NDH treba desrbizirati i dejudeizirati; (c) logor Jasenovac bio je samo radni i sabirni logor, a ne koncentracijski logor smrti, u koji je NDH privodila političke protivnike kako bi se zaštitila od njihova razornog djelovanja, a ne kako bi ih ubijala; pravi smrtonosni logor u Jasenovcu osnovala je tek jugoslavenska komunistička vlast poslije svršetka Drugoga svjetskog rata. Pokušavajući dekonstruirati "jasenovački mit", revizionisti zapravo nastoje dekonstruirati "mit o genocidu" u NDH, a time potpuno ili djelomice rehabilitirati NDH.
The Roma population has been living in Croatian territories for more than six centuries and during that period was mostly persecuted by state and local authorities who sought to assimilate them. Such ...antigypsyism political practice was not unique only for the Croatian territory but was practiced in most other European countries. After World War II there was no commemoration and recognition of Roma victims in most European countries, including socialist Croatia (Yugoslavia). Such marginalization of the culture of remembrance of Roma war victims was reflected in the lack of education on this subject in the Croatian education system, where it is mostly mentioned in only a few words. The paper focuses on the analysis of how the issue of Roma suffering in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and Europe is (un)integrated into the Croatian education system.
U ovom radu autor je naglasio kompleksnost utvrđivanja postojanja genocidne namjere kao specifičnog obilježja zločina genocid. Praksa međunarodnog pravosuđa je u znatnoj mjeri omogućila jasnije, ...preciznije i jednostavnije shvatanje određenja subjektivne komponente ovog zločina prilikom utvrđivanja individualne krivične odgovornosti.Teret dokazivanja zločina genocid posebno se odnosi na nemogućnost direktnog utvđivanja genocidne namjere. Indirektno dokazivanje je samo po sebi kompleksno i zahtijeva postojanje niza posrednih faktora koji upućuju na jedini razuman zaključak u kontekstu postojanja genocidne namjere kod izvršioca zločina. Otežavajuća okolnost koja utiče na kompleksnost utvrđivanja postojanja genocidne nemjere predstavlja uopštenost Konvencije o genocidu koja nije propisala jasne kriterije i mjerila za utvrđivanje kvantitativne komponente zločina.
Resumo Este artigo aborda a literatura de testemunho de sobreviventes de genocídios para se perguntar o que eles ensinam ao analista sobre os traumas históricos e os efeitos da violência histórica ...sobre a subjetividade humana. Os testemunhos são aqui entendidos como um misto de confissão, reflexão e documento histórico, e engajam a responsabilidade do analista em sua escuta tanto sobre destruição quanto sobre a resistência a ele.
Abstract This article approaches the testimonial literature of genocidal survivors to question what they teach the analyst about historical traumas and the effects of historical violence on human subjectivity. The testimonials are here understood as a mix of confession, reflection and historical document, and engage the analyst's responsibility in terms of listening the destruction as well as the resistance to it.
Resumen Este artículo aborda la literatura testimonial de supervivientes de genocidios para interrogar lo que los supervivientes enseñan al psicoanalista respecto a los traumas históricos y a los efectos de la violencia histórica acerca de la subjetividad humana. Entendemos los testimonios como una mezcla de confesión, reflexión y documento histórico que involucran la responsabilidad del psicoanalista en su escucha tanto acerca de la destrucción como la resistencia al psicoanalista.
Resumé Cet article se penche sur le témoignage littéraire des survivants des génocides pour se demander ce qu'ils enseignent à l'analyste en ce qui concerne les traumatismes historiques et les effets de la violence historique sur la subjectivité humaine. Les témoignages sont ici entendus en tant que mélange de conféssion, réflexion et document historique qui engagent la responsabilité de l'analyste autant dans son écoute de la déstruction que dans la résistance à celle ci.
This paper is based on an anthropological study investigating the impact of forced displacement, genocide, and missing persons on the social identities of surviving women, their families and local ...communities in Bosnia Herzegovina and the Bosnian diaspora. By the end of the 1992-95 Bosnian war, more than 100,000 had been killed and close to 40,000 individuals reported missing – some 7,000 of whom have still not been found or identified. No knowing where the body of one’s loved one is, makes the grieving process of many surviving families much harder than it would be if they had been able to bury the victims. The issues surrounding the missing and their exhumation, identification and burial are some of the lasting legacies of genocide and war in Bosnia, that still affect many individuals, especially war widows and their families, as well as the respective local communities. The gaps, absences, and open-ended temporality the missing persons left behind also impact on politics, culture and reconciliation within the broader Bosnian society and the diaspora.More than two decades after the war, in many respects, Bosnia can still be seen as an exemplar of a post-conflict society, where the progress towards achieving a just and lasting peace has been halted by unresolved issues from the past, including the issue of the missing. In regard to the missing (presumably dead), what is often depicted as an “unresolved past” is in fact an unresolved present, spread through global connections across time and space and having significant affects and effects even on those who now live at great geographic distances from the original violence.The issue of the missing in Bosnia is predominantly, but not exclusively, affecting the Muslim (Bosniak) community. Mourning the dead in Islam typically takes place in the private domain and those who died in conflict or as innocent victims are regarded as šehidi, martyrs who will be rewarded in the afterlife. However, in the case of the missing, there are no adequate religious rituals offering closure or recognising a missing person as šehid able to “resettle” (preseli) in afterlife. Instead of referring to the missing as those who now rest in peace, or literally those who “resettled ” (preselili) in the afterlife (ahiret), the common reference for the Srebrenica genocide victims in 1995 is “those who did not get across” (nisu prešli), also symbolically sug¬gesting the inability of the missing to resettle (presele), thus remaining in a state of post-mortem liminality.While coping with their own trauma, loss and displacement, many Bosnian survivors, especially women, have taken up the crucial role in identifying the remains of relatives uncovered from mass graves spread across the country. They have often literally been the embodiment of the search for and identification of the missing in more than one way. They have preserved a link between those who perished and those who survived both through their narrated and documented memories of the missing and though their bodies. In Bosnia, DNA has served as a crucial piece of information required to establish identities of the missing. DNA matching technolo¬gies have equally challenged and reinforced the importance of blood relations and blood as the “shared essence” through which kinship is defined and relations between individuals are imagined, linking not only parents and siblings in a direct blood relation, but also husbands and wives and subsequently leading to identification of other missing “non-blood” relatives. However, as anthropologist Sarah Wagner has witnessed and described, DNA evidence does not exist in a vacuum; rather, its success depends on other manifestations of individual lives, social ties, and everyday practice: family members holding a piece of cloth, touching its fabric, whose pattern and stitching are indelibly etched into their memory, use their own recollections to help retrieve their missing relatives’ remains.In the first part of the paper, statistical and historiographical facts related to the 1992- 95 war casualties in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) are presented and the shortcomings of the quantitative research approaches in drawing conclusions about the es¬sence, character and consequences of the war events on different demographic and gender groups in BiH are pointed out.In the second part—through an ethnographic description of the life of one of the war widows and a mother who lost two sons and who now lives in the diaspora—the author describes the difficulties that accompany the war widows, both at the psychological and socio-cultural levels, as well as the reasons for many women to choose to migrate to third countries. The paper then describes how medical and forensic DNA biotechnology has helped to rehumanize the missing and killed, while the post-war bureaucracy in BiH has largely had a different, dehumanising effect on the war widows and survivors, which was often one of the reasons for their emigration.For mothers who lost children and war widows who lost husbands, it is expected that, for the rest of their lives, they will continue to perform the roles, adjusting their lives and embodying eternal grief for their loved ones. Across south-eastern Europe and the Balkans this aspect of patriarchal tradition has survived in many communities—among Christians and Muslims alike. Many women, once they lose their loved ones, spend the rest of their lives in mourning dress code. They also tend to become more religious and to perform regular rituals to honour and remember their dead. Even their everyday lives are readjusted so there are constant reminders of those they lost. Their public identities become those of mourning women. Often, they remain so for years, sometimes for the rest of their lives. These have been the unwritten rules and expectations of the women’s own communities that have been reconstructed after the war. In conclusion, the author advocates for an activist approach to socio-humanistic research related to the issues that accompany war widows, with the aim of protecting and promoting their human rights and dignity.
The first genocide of the twentieth century, though not well known, was committed by Germans between 1904–1907 in the country we know today as Namibia, where they exterminated hundreds of Herero and ...Nama people and subjected the surviving indigenous men, women, and children to forced labor. The perception of Africans as subhuman—lacking any kind of civilization, history, or meaningful religion—and the resulting justification for the violence against them is what author Elizabeth R. Baer refers to as the “genocidal gaze,” an attitude that was later perpetuated by the Nazis. In The Genocidal Gaze: From German Southwest Africa to the Third Reich, Baer uses the metaphor of the gaze to trace linkages between the genocide of the Herero and Nama and that of the victims of the Holocaust. Significantly, Baer also considers the African gaze of resistance returned by the indigenous people and their leaders upon the German imperialists.