This study explores how congressional and local politics influence the allocation of disaster recovery payments using Japanese prefectural-level panel data from 1989 to 2015. The main findings are as ...follows. First, gubernatorial years in office positively affect allocation. This holds true even after substituting terms in office for years in office. Second, the share of prefectural legislators belonging to the governing parties is negatively correlated with payments. This connection was strongest when the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was the sole governing party or part of coalitions with other governing parties. Third, governors' role in increasing funds for disaster recovery has deepened since the 2000s, but in the 1990s, the distribution system of specific-purpose grants (which the LDP had developed over a long period of time) helped to dispense payments. Fourth, gubernatorial election year, a governor's partisan affiliation, and other legislative and congressional political factors do not explain disaster payment allocation.
JURISDICTION AS DIALOGUE Simowitz, Aaron D
New York University journal of international law & politics,
01/2020, Volume:
52, Issue:
2
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Courts treat assertions of jurisdiction that carry into effect very different policies and powers alike. The attempt to exert power over the terrorist is treated the same as power over the ...non-resident motorist. However, all assertions of jurisdiction are not treated alike. Rather, they are treated very differently depending on how a legislature labels their doctrinal category. Courts will rigorously scrutinize assertions of in personam jurisdiction for compliance with the Constitution. If a legislature characterizes an assertion of jurisdiction as in rem, however, courts will give it a constitutional pass. For generations, the same was true of jurisdiction by consent. In the landmark decision Shaffer v. Heitner, the U.S. Supreme Court shifted the category of quasi-in-rem jurisdiction from the no-scrutiny box to the full-scrutiny box.
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In 1956, state Senator Charley Johns was appointed the chairman of the newly formed Florida Legislative Investigation Committee, now remembered as the Johns Committee. This group was charged ...with the task of unearthing communist tendencies, homosexual persuasions, and anything they saw as subversive behavior in academic institutions throughout Florida. With the cooperation of law enforcement, the committee interrogated and spied on countless individuals, including civil rights activists, college students, public school teachers, and university faculty and administrators.
Today, the actions of the Johns Committee are easily dismissed as homophobic and bigoted. Communists and Perverts under the Palms reveals how the creation of the committee was a logical and unsurprising result of historic societal anxieties about race, sexuality, obscenity, and liberalism. Stacy Braukman illustrates how the responses to those societal anxieties, particularly the Johns Committee, laid the foundation for the resurgence of conservatism in the 1960s. Braukman is considered and nuanced in her stance, refusing a blanket condemnation of the extremism of a committee whose influence, even decades after its dissolution, continues to be felt in the culture wars of today.
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The study of time in legislative processes has so far understood time mainly as duration (of the process as a whole or of its single stages). This work contributes to existing research by presenting ...a new approach to the study of time which takes as the unit of analysis the whole temporal trajectory followed by a bill from its introduction to the floor to its final adoption. Legislative processes are conceived of as sequences of stages a bill has to go through before its final adoption. The relative time spent in each of these stages varies considerably. This work aims to explore the determinants of variation in the observed trajectories of relative duration. To this end, it applies the tools of discrepancy sequence analysis, a method commonly employed for the study of occupational histories or life courses. The analysis was conducted on a sample of Italian legislative acts adopted in Italy from 1987 to 2008.
Points for practitioners
The greater availability of longitudinal data and the increased focus of social science theory on temporal change have contributed to heightening the attention given by social science scholars to the tools of sequence analysis. Scholars are increasingly recognizing that this set of methods may effectively complement existing techniques for the study of temporal data, by allowing new questions to be addressed. This article shows an example of how sequence analysis may be extended beyond the study of life or career histories, where it has been mainly confined. What is more, it presents an application of a novel technique, discrepancy analysis, which allows the study of the relationship between the trajectories and covariates of interest in an explanatory framework.
This article reports the results of a survey of women in legislatures and executives around the world as they were constituted in 1998 (N = 180). The chief hypotheses regarding the factors hindering ...or facilitating women's access to political representation were tested by multivariate regression models. The regression models juxtaposed a cocktail of institutional, political, cultural, and socioeconomic variables with the following dependent variables: (1) the percentage of MPs who are women and (2) the percentage of cabinet ministers who are women. A number, although not all, of the cited hypotheses were statistically confirmed and more finely quantified. The socioeconomic development of women in society has an effect on the number of women in parliament but not in the cabinet. A country's length of experience with multipartyism and women's enfranchisement correlates with both the legislative and the executive percentage. Certain electoral systems are more women friendly than others. The ideological nature of the party system affects the number of women elected and chosen for cabinet posts. And last, the state's dominant religion, taken as a proxy for culture, also statistically relates to the number of women who will make it to high political office. However, other long-held hypotheses were not proved. The degree of democracy is not a good indicator of the percentage of women who will make it into the legislature or the cabinet, nor is the dichotomy between a presidential or parliamentary system.
Perhaps best known for coming out as openly gay during his first term in the Minnesota Senate, Allan Spear had a long and distinguished career as a historian and senator. He passed away in 2008, ...leaving his memoir slightly incomplete. A stirring afterword by John Milton completes his story, chronicling Spear’s accomplishments as a politician and activist during his final years.
Last-period problems seemingly arise in legislatures when members decide to retire from office; they then can indulge themselves without fear of electoral reprisal. In contrast, we argue that ...last-period indolence is rarely a problem in legislatures: retiring politicians embrace legislative responsibilities since this is their last opportunity to consume these prerogatives; and the actions of legislators seeking post-elective employment are policed by the stream of future earnings they jeopardize if their actions exhibit indications of looming principal-agent problems. Using a unique data set profiling the post-elective careers of ex-legislators, we find no evidence of last-period laxity in roll-call attendance.
Objectives. We examine the connection between pork-barrel projects and the election returns of members of the U.S. Congress. While previous researchers have uncovered little evidence of a direct ...link, we refine the perspective that pork has electoral implications by advancing the argument that its effects differ across geographic and partisan contexts. Methods. Our empirical analysis focuses on the Senate—which has largely escaped attention—and utilizes a measure of pork that includes only those projects inserted by legislators as line items in appropriation bills from 1996 to 2004. Results. We find a direct relationship between pork and electoral performance, albeit one that is conditioned upon ideological congruence, constituency size, and the political ideology of the legislator. Conclusions. Electoral payoffs for pork-barreling accrue to some but not all senators. Moreover, our findings demonstrate the pragmatic rationale for conservative opposition to earmarks.
The article presents a study of the special powers of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, reflecting the specifics of the state structure. The Constitutional Court of Bosnia has ...certain powers that can determine the specifics of the legal nature of this state. Leading in this study is the method of systems analysis, which allowed the author to analyze the degree of participation of the constitutional control body in ensuring the continuity of the law‐making process. As a result of the study, it was revealed that the implementation of the constitutional project is associated with ensuring the parity of interests of constitutive peoples and making the state mechanism provided in the constitution effective. Analyzing the institution of protection of vital interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author concludes that the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina significantly influenced the change in the structure and content of this institution in the studied state.
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Nwokora, Zim, and Riccardo Pelizzo. 2015. “The Political Consequences of Party System Change.” Politics & Policy 43(4): 453–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12124/.
Sevin, Efe. 2017. “A Multilayered Approach to Public Diplomacy Evaluation: Pathways of Connection.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 879–901. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12227.
Skoog, Louise. 2021. “Where Did the Party Conflicts Go? How Horizontal Specialization in Political Systems Affects Party Conflicts.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 390–413. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12397.
El Tribunal Constitucional como Sujeto del Proceso Político
El artículo presenta un estudio de los poderes especiales del Tribunal Constitucional de Bosnia y Herzegovina, reflejando los detalles de la estructura estatal. El Tribunal Constitucional de Bosnia tiene ciertos poderes extremadamente específicos que pueden determinar los detalles de la naturaleza jurídica de este estado. A la cabeza de este estudio se encuentra el método de análisis de sistemas, que permitió al autor analizar el grado de participación del órgano de control constitucional para asegurar la continuidad del proceso legislativo. Como resultado del estudio, se reveló que la implementación del proyecto constitucional está asociada a asegurar la paridad de intereses de los pueblos constitutivos y hacer efectivo el mecanismo estatal previsto en la Constitución. Al analizar la institución de protección de intereses vitales en Bosnia y Herzegovina, el autor concluye que el Tribunal Constitucional de Bosnia y Herzegovina influyó significativamente en el cambio en la estructura y contenido de esta institución en el estado estudiado.
宪法法院作为政治进程的主体
本文对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那宪法法院的特殊权力进行了研究，反映了该国国家结构的具体情况。波斯尼亚宪法法院拥有某些极为具体的权力，后者能决定该国法律性质的具体内容。本研究主要使用系统分析方法，分析了宪法管理机构在确保立法过程连续性一事中的参与程度。研究结果表明，宪法项目的执行与“确保立宪民族的利益平等以及宪法规定的国家机制的有效性”相关。通过分析波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的切身利益保护制度，作者的结论认为，波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那宪法法院对该制度的结构变化和内容变化产生了显著影响。
Using LCV score data, we find that female legislators favor stricter environmental policies than do their male counterparts. Moreover, gender-corrected estimates suggest that voters do not push ...environmental policy towards the middle, but rather select the ideologically closest candidate.
► Female House members favor stricter environmental policies (LCV scores) than males. ► Gender matters when evaluating the median voter theorem for environmental policy. ► The median voter theorem does not hold empirically when we correct for gender.
