Queer Sewing as a Way of Life Shirley Aparecida de Miranda; Jaime Peixoto da Silva
Revista Brasileira de Estudos da Presença,
06/2024, Volume:
14, Issue:
3
Journal Article
Open access
This article brings out strategies for confronting neoconservatisms of gender and race through what is here called queer sewing. Based on the narrative patches produced in doctoral research, the ...relationship between clothes and the norm is discussed. The concepts of ancestry and intersectionality are mobilized to problematize the remodeling of the self in the confrontation with cisheteronorm and normative whiteness. It was noticed that queer sewing can be seen as a strategic way of life, as it highlights a certain work on oneself on the part of the subject that speaks of an ethical way of existing in the world, a process in which not only clothes were pro-duced, but, mainly, a form of existence.
This research argues that the alternative right is a new political movement with a membership that is substantially different from the militants that have traditionally occupied the political space ...of the right or extreme right. The characterization of the alternative right is confusing, since most of its scholars do it under the American parameters. Thus, this work aims to clarify some questions about the political space from which the alternative right is born, observe its characteristics and make sure that these demands are reflected in top-level and current political actors, to conclude that it is a space under construction. , but differentiated from other nearby ideological currents.
The purpose of this paper is to interpret Peter L. Berger’s thought in the 1980s, especially his argument for capitalism in relation to neoconservatism. It is generally considered that Berger was ...initially sympathetic to neoconservatism in the 1970s and ’80s before gradually moving away from these views in the ’90s. However, this paper argues that the factors which eventually led to this breakdown in relations already existed in the 1980s. In order to demonstrate this, the present paper contrasts Berger’s argument for capitalism with the corresponding argument of Michael Novak, who was not only a neoconservative but also one of Berger’s dialogue partners during this period. Berger developed his argument out of concern for the development of the Third World. He dealt with this theme in the ’70s, gradually coming to perceive the affinity of his view of society with capitalism. Novak sought a religious justification for capitalism in the ’70s and ’80s, when attacks on capitalism and American society were intensifying. He borrowed key ideas from the “Protestant ethic” thesis of Max Weber. He emphasized that capitalism was infused with the spirit of the Judeo-Christian tradition. In addition, he maintained that capitalism would necessarily connect with democracy and that, in bringing about pluralism, capitalism also resonated with the spirit of the Judeo-Christian tradition.Although Berger’s argument has a lot in common with that of Novak, there are at least four important and illuminating differences. These are the extent of the interrelation between capitalism and democracy, the possibility of a religious justification for capitalism, the authors’ interpretation of the “Protestant ethic” thesis proposed by Weber, and their views of American society. Generally speaking, while Berger undoubtedly supports capitalism, he maintains a certain distance from Novak’s particularly religious argument in support of it.
O presente trabalho se apresenta como o fragmento de uma pesquisa maior acerca da atuação da Polícia Federal no Brasil e de como absorve e contribui para a ideologia neoconservadora inserida na ...racionalidade neoliberal. Objetiva-se contribuir com o debate desde uma fala advinda de dentro da instituição, por quem conhece seus meandros, funcionamento e fundamento ideológico. Metodologicamente, para esse momento, se apresenta como esforço teórico analítico, de pesquisa teórica, a partir do marco da criminologia crítica da reação social. A hipótese central é de que a Polícia Federal ocupa um lugar central no processo atual de refluxo neoconservador, pautado por uma perspectiva moralizante do comportamento individual típico do discurso neoliberal, enquanto também se beneficia da espetacularização e valorização da instituição diante da exposição midiática, capitalizando o próprio conservadorismo.
Familialism in contemporary Turkey has primarily been analysed as a crucial aspect of the social policy of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) government. The ...incorporation of familialism into other policy areas has also received some attention. Less attention has been given, however, to the ‘civil’ channels through which this state-level familialism is supported and propagated. A network of family-oriented conservative NGOs has proliferated in the last decade, and this article looks at the campaigns they organize and the discourses they use to influence and foster familialism at the state level. Drawing on an analysis of a national platform of family-oriented conservative NGOs – the Turkey Family Platform – as well as a local association active in the province of Bursa, the article argues that this network of NGOs plays a crucial role in shaping and disseminating familialism under the AKP, functioning as civil channels of neoconservatism, not only at the national level but also increasingly in the provinces.
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