This paper seeks to understand the educational significance of the National Common Curricular Base (known in Brazil as Base Nacional Comum Curricular – BNCC) and reflects on what the ethical duty of ...teachers in this scenario could be. It used bibliographic and documentary research organized in six parts. In the first, the elaboration process of the BNCC is discussed. In the second, the reflection is on the concept of Normalizing Education in Gur-Ze’ev. In the third and fourth, respectively, it seeks to identify the neoliberal and neoconservative influences on the BNCC. In the fifth, it addresses on how the articulation operated to make the BNCC a normalizing project. Finally, in the sixth, it reflects on the duty, both ethical and aesthetic, to resist the BNCC. It concludes that the BNCC comprises a radicalization of Normalizing Education and it is precisely because of the radicalization of normalization that is needed the ethical and aesthetic resistance of those who still believe in education.
In the past decade, right-wing populist parties have brought back nationalism and religion into European politics. While a growing literature explores the political strategies, style and success of ...these parties and the challenge they pose to the European project, less attention has been paid to how right-wing populist governing is done at specific policy areas. This paper explores the education policy discourse of the Hungarian right-wing populist government. Drawing on the Discourse-Historical Approach to critical discourse analysis, the analysis concentrates on political speeches performed between 2010 and 2020 to examine the discoursive framings and strategies utilised in relation to three nodal points identified in the speeches: upbringing, teaching Christian values and the nation. While in the political rhetoric, a coherent religious nationalist, neoconservative narrative took form, over time this narrative shifted from a strategic project of crafting a new language to justify paradigmatic legislative and policy change to a language disconnected from policy work and predominantly displaying features of nationalist extremism. In the discussed period, as a combined result of the right-wing government’s Christian indentitarian project and the ambition of the Christian churches to increase their power and legitimacy, religion has increasingly permeated the secular spaces of Hungarian education.
National Enterprise Emergency Massumi, Brian
Theory, culture & society,
11/2009, Volume:
26, Issue:
6
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
The figure of today’s threat is the suddenly irrupting, locally self-organizing,
systemically self-amplifying threat of large-scale disruption. This form of threat,
fed by instability and ...metastability, is not only indiscriminate, it is also
indiscrimin able; it is indistinguishable from the general
environment. The figure of the environment shifts: from the harmony of a natural
balance to the normality of a generalized crisis environment so encompassing in its
endemic threat-form as to connect, across the spectrum, the polar extremes of war and
the weather. Michel Foucault characterizes the dominant contemporary regime of power,
coincident with the rise of neoliberalism, as ‘environmental’: a governmentality
which will act on the environment and systematically modify its variables. Its
actions, he emphasizes, are not standardizing since the shift in the figure of the
environment has moved it out of reach of normalization. Given the indiscriminateness
of the environment’s autonomous activity, environmentality must work through the
‘regulation of effects’ rather than of causes. It must remain operationally ‘open to
unknowns’ and catch nonlinear, transversal phenomena before they amplify the
stirrings to actual crisis proportions. What systematicity is this? And: does power’s
becoming-environmental mean that, politically, we are dealing with natural subjects?
Where Foucault’s question ends is where, today, we must begin, in light of how the
recomposition of power whose dawning he glimpsed in 1979 has since played out. In the
context of Foucault’s theories of power, the question amounts to asking: is this
still ‘biopolitics’?
Resistance is normally thought of as a collective exercise of public political activity. In this article, Ball and Olmedo approach the question of resistance in a different way, through Foucault's ...notion of 'the care of the self'. Neoliberal reforms in education are producing new kinds of teaching subjects, new forms of subjectivity. It makes sense then that subjectivity should be the terrain of struggle, the terrain of resistance. A set of e-mail exchanges with teachers, based around Ball's work on performativity, enable the authors to access the work of power relations through the uncertainties, discomforts and refusals that these teachers bring to their everyday practice. By acting 'irresponsibly', these teachers take 'responsibility' for the care of their selves and in doing so make clear that social reality is not as inevitable as it may seem. This is not strategic action in the normal political sense. Rather it is a process of struggle against mundane, quotidian neoliberalisations, that creates the possibility of thinking about education and ourselves differently.
2020 in the United States was marked by two converging crises—the COVID-19 pandemic and the large-scale uprisings in support of Black lives. These crises were met with both a counterproductive and ...inadequate response from the federal government. We examine these converging crises at the individual, social, and political scales. The biological realities of COVID-19 impact different populations in widely varied ways—the poor, the elderly, Black, Indigenous, and people of color, and those living with comorbidities get sick and die at the highest rates. Social distancing guidelines shifted millions of people to work-from-home and millions more lost their jobs, even as care laborers, preponderantly women, Black, Indigenous, and people of color, were asked to put their and their loved ones' lives on the line for the continuation of all of our lives. These biological, social, and economic crises have been punctuated by civil unrest, as millions took to the streets for racial justice, noting the unequal impacts of the pandemic. These converging crises have laid bare decades of neoliberal and neoconservative policies and ideologies, undergirded as they have been by racial capitalism, for their fundamental uncaringness. In this paper, we argue that this pandemic not only made a wider population more acutely aware of the necessity and importance of the need to care and for caring labors, but also that we stand at the precipice of potentiality--of producing a more caring society. To frame our argument, we draw on Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock's (1987) framework of three bodies—individual, social, and political—to unpack the multi-scalar entanglements in the differential impacts of COVID-19, questions of care, and their articulation in the current political-economic context.
Neokonzervativizam valja shvatiti kao oblik američke konzervativne ideologije; kao specifični projekt političke filozofije kojim se nastoji prevladati percipirani stadij nihilizma Sjedinjenih ...Američkih Država nakon 1968; kao metapolitički projekt osvajanja političke hegemonije prethodnim osvajanjem kulturne hegemonije; te kao specifičnu retoriku restauracije velike pripovijesti američke iznimnosti. Kao matrica središnjih pojmova neokonzervativizma razotkriva se politički mit o dekadenciji. Neokonzervativna književna kritika nastaje iz temeljne metapolitičke postavke da se jedino uspostavom kulturne hegemonije te prevrednovanje političkih pojmova i konstitutivnih vrijednosti političkog poretka može prevladati dekadencija i otpočeti kulturna palingeneza. Zagovarajući nadzor nad književnošću i njezino plijevljenje od elemenata dekadencije, neokonzervativci modernu književnost shvaćaju kao potencijalnu opasnost i spremnik antinomijske političke imaginacije koja ugrožava američki politički režim iskušavajući i dovodeći u pitanje njegove konstitutivne vrijednosti. Književna se kritika, stoga, shvaća kao metapolitička alatka pomoću koje će se razvlastiti književnost dekadencije te, nakraju, ponuditi vizija moralno ozdravljene, pročišćene književnosti kao apoteoze konstitutivnih vrijednosti političkog režima, ortodoksije republikanske vrline te javnog morala. Remoralizacija književnosti koju neokonzervativci predstavljaju kao cilj književne kritike utoliko je samo dio sustavnog projekta neokonzervativne političke imaginacije, koja se, uslijed proglašenog sloma liberalne političke imaginacije, predstavlja kao jedini dovoljno snažan, političko-filozofski čvrsto utemeljen, ali i ideološki primamljiv okvir ponovnog začaravanja i legitimacije američkog političkog poretka. Analizom književne kritike Irvinga Kristola i Normana Podhoretza kao najutjecajnijih neokonzervativaca prve generacije u ovom će se radu prikazati obilježja neokonzervativnog metapolitičkog rata protiv književnosti dekadencije.
A Brief History of Cold War Liberalism Bessner, Daniel; Brenes, Michael; Franczak, Michael
Cold war history,
04/2024, Volume:
24, Issue:
2
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
In recent years, a flurry of books that explore the history and theory of liberalism have appeared. Nevertheless, there has been surprisingly little scholarship examining the history of 'Cold War ...liberalism' - one of the most important instantiations of twentieth-century liberalism - as a phenomenon in and of itself, and the work that has been done has mostly focused on a small coterie of American and Western European intellectuals. This essay is a first step attempt to articulate a broader history of Cold War liberalism, tracing the ideology's origins and influence from the 1910s until the 1980s. We focus on three distinct elements of the history of Cold War liberalism: its embrace of anti-democratic politics and how this informed the creation of the national security state; its linking of reform to the imperatives of national security; and its decline and transformation in the 1970s and 1980s.
O presente ensaio busca discutir os fundamentos intelectuais da nova direita no Brasil – que possui no escritor Olavo de Carvalho seu grande intelectual orgânico – partindo da premissa de que este ...campo se assenta na construção de um amálgama liberal-conservador. Embora, em geral, lido como um amálgama contraditório e circunstancial, argumenta-se, aqui, que se trata, na verdade, de um oxímoro essencialmente conservador, tornado possível por meio da desconstrução de três elementos fundacionais do liberalismo – o igualitarismo, o contratualismo e o jusnaturalismo – e da elevação da família tradicional ao posto de categoria ordenadora da vida social. Sendo este um fenômeno internacional, ele teria na narrativa de Carvalho sua mais potente tradução para o contexto brasileiro. A contradição aparente é, portanto, o véu que encobre uma unidade essencial que possui, na negação da Pólis, sua razão de ser.
Cet essai analyse les fondements intellectuels de la nouvelle droite au Brésil, dont le principal intellectuel organique est l’écrivain Olavo de Carvalho, avec pour prémisse l’existence d’un amalgame libéral-conservateur. Si cet amalgame est généralement perçu comme étant contradictoire et circonstanciel, il s’agit en réalité d’un oxymore essentiellement conservateur, rendu possible par la déconstruction de trois éléments fondateurs du libéralisme (l’égalitarisme, le contractualisme et le jusnaturalisme) et par l’élévation de la famille traditionnelle au rang d’organisateur de la vie sociale. Il s’agit d’un phénomène international, mais au Brésil le texte de Carvalho est son plus fidèle représentant. La contradiction apparente est donc le voile qui recouvre une unité essentielle ayant sa raison d’être dans la négation de la polis.
This essay seeks to discuss the intellectual foundations of the New Right in Brazil, which has in writer Olavo de Carvalho its great organic intellectual, based on the premise that this field is based on the construction of a liberal-conservative amalgam. Although, in general, read as a contradictory and circumstantial amalgam, it is argued herein that it is, in fact, an essentially conservative oxymoron, made possible through the deconstruction of three foundational elements of liberalism, namely egalitarianism, contractualism and jusnaturalism, and the elevation of the traditional family to the rank of social life organize. With this as an international phenomenon, it would have in Carvalho's narrative its most potent translation for the Brazilian context. The apparent contradiction is, therefore, the veil that covers an essential unity that has, in the negation of Polis, its raison d'être.
The convenient enemy Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira
Meridiano 47,
10/2017, Volume:
12, Issue:
126
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
Ideologically, the Iraq War was a product of the encounter of global jihadism and neoconservatism. Prior to September 11, 2001, both were facing enormous difficulties in keeping their appeal as ...compelling discourses within their respective societies. Nevertheless, 9-11 revived neoconservatism by giving them the ideological enemy neoconservatives were longing calling for, leading to the invasion of Iraq on March 20, 2003 which, in turn, reenergized global jihadism.
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