Rad se bavi slikom Europe zagrebačkih srednjoškolaca. Rezultati se temelje na anketnom istraživanju provedenom 2016. – 2017., koje je ponovilo istraživanje provedeno 2000. – 2001. (Šakaja, 2001; ...Šakaja i Mesarić, 2001; Šakaja, 2002). Ponavljanje istraživanja po istoj metodologiji i na sličnome uzorku omogućilo je longitudinalnu analizu predodžbe mladih Zagrepčana o Europi, odnosno europskim zemljama. U obradi podataka primijenjena je metodologija koju su predložili Peter Gould i Rodney White (1986). Rezultati su pokazali da je Europa na imaginativnoj karti obiju generacija mladih Zagrepčana jasno podijeljena na razvijeni Zapad i zaostali Istok. Obje su generacije percipirale Europu unutar binarnih opozicija. No znatan porast statusa Rusije upućuje na pomake unutar te binarnosti. Kvalitativna obrada odgovora na otvorena anketna pitanja pokazala je da nova generacija svoj izbor najpoželjnijih zemalja u najvećoj mjeri temelji na ekonomskim značajkama zemalja destinacije, za razliku od prijašnje generacije, koja je pri svojoj visokoj evaluaciji poželjnih zemalja nešto češće navodila kulturne razloge od ekonomskih. Sukladno tome u razmišljanju o migracijskim odredištima unutar Europe kriterij pripadnosti tradicionalnim, povijesno uspostavljenim europskim kulturnim krugovima manje je relevantan nego prije, što je vidljivo iz relativnoga pada statusa mediteranskih zemalja, posebno Italije, kao poželjnoga odredišta za migraciju. Nasuprot tome porastao je stupanj poželjnosti sjevernih, osobito skandinavskih, zemalja. Jedna od najvećih sličnosti u rezultatima iz 2000./2001. i 2016./2017. jest pozicioniranje balkanskih zemalja, osobito Albanije, Srbije i Kosova, na samo dno liste prostornih preferencija – kako zbog percipiranih slabih ekonomskih značajki tih zemalja tako i zbog izrazitih, očito stabilnih, negativnih stereotipa.
Using the methodology of in-depth interviews, this article explores how blind and visually impaired white cane users conceptualize urban space. The study presented in the article showed that the city ...is conceived, even without visual mechanisms, through landmarks, paths, edges, nodes and districts, i.e. the types of elements in the city image defined by Kevin Lynch. However, spatial representations of blind people are produced on the basis of spatial experience that is proximal and not distal, as was the case with Lynch. The article discusses elements of the non-visual image of the city that are constructed through direct touch and white cane use. Drawing on Lefebvre's stance on the interconnectedness of the body, practice and representational spaces, the author argues that the white cane is not just an aid that facilitates the mobility of blind people and helps to navigate in the urban space. As part of the 'practico-sensory totality' of the body, it also influences the ways in which the city is experienced and conceived.
The paper presents the results of a survey carried out in the academic year 2016/2017 and deals with the attitudes of Croatian high-school students towards European countries. This survey repeats an ...earlier study from 2000/2001 and thus allows a comparison of the opinions of young people from different generations. The data indicate a shift in residential preferences towards the Nordic countries, while preferences towards the Latin/Mediterranean countries have weakened. Applying an axiological approach to the original model of mental maps made it possible to gain insight into the value criteria used to assess the residential desirability of countries. Groups of evaluation criteria were identified, the most important of which being the following: (a) Employment opportunities, economic conditions and economic development; (b) Culture, way of life, cultural landscape; (c) Political and legal order, social security, and freedom; and (d) Ethnopsychological factors.
How do young people living in Europe see other European countries? Which countries do they consider interesting and for what reasons? Which European spaces are associated with negative stereotypes in ...their mental maps? What is the image of Europe created today by filtered information flows? This paper provides answers to these questions based on researching the mental maps of Europe held by high school students in Zagreb. The methodology used in the research is based on a methodological approach, described in detail in Peter Gould’s and Rodney White’s (1986) book “Mental Maps”. It essentially consists of detecting European preference spaces by confronting respondents with a hypothetical, completely free choice of where they would like to live in Europe. The respondents were asked the following question: “Suppose you were free to choose which European country you would like to live in. Which countries would you prefer the most, and which would you never choose to live in?” Respondents were asked to score each country in a list of European countries, which, after being analysed by the statistical method of principal component analysis, made it possible to compile a ranking of European countries according to their desirability. The open-ended questions used in the survey provided insight into respondents’ perceptions of individual countries and the stereotypes and prejudices associated with individual European spaces.The answers to the open-ended questions also allowed the reconstruction of the criteria used by young people when evaluating individual European countries in terms of the desirability to live in them. The results suggest that young people determine the desirability hierarchy of countries based on arguments that can be generalised into eight basic criteria:1. Job opportunities, economic conditions and the economic level of development. This group is distinguished by terms such as “rich country”, “developed country”, “developed economy”, etc.2. Political and social security and freedom. The most frequently mentioned phrases for this group were: “democratic country”, “liberalism”, “peaceful country”, etc.3. Culture, lifestyle, centrality and urban functions. Within this group, the most commonly mentioned words are: “culture”, “rich history”, “lifestyle”, etc.4. Ethnopsychological factors. When explaining the desire to live in certain countries, words such as “people”, “folk”, etc. are often used.5. Nature. The most commonly mentioned factors in this group were: “natural beauty”, “beautiful scenery”, “climate”.6. Proximity. One of the desirability factors for living in certain countries was the close proximity to their homeland and the (in)ability to visit relatives.7. Personal reasons. This group included primarily arguments such as the existence of relatives or friends in a particular country, or knowledge of the language of the country.8. Unspecified reasons, such as “not attractive”, “strange”, “I don’t like it” or those with opposite sentiments: “nice country”, “I like it”, etc.The survey was conducted in 2016–2017 as a repeat of a survey conducted in 2000–2001 (Šakaja, 2001; Šakaja and Mesarić, 2001; Šakaja, 2002). Repeating the research using the same methodology and a similar sample made it possible to make a diachronic comparison of the mental maps of high-school students in Zagreb and to draw conclusions regarding continuity and changes in their perceptions of European spaces.As the research results show, Europe is clearly divided into the developed West and the backwards East on the imaginative map of both generations of young citizens of Zagreb. Both generations perceived Europe within binary oppositions: economic prosperity/poverty, efficiency/inefficiency, modernity/backwardness, etc. Despite this continuity in the binary perception of Europe, a significant increase in Russia’s status, evident from the comparison of survey data from 2000/2001 and 2016/2017, indicates that some shifts within that binarity have occurred.Research data also showed that when young people think about European migration destinations, the criterion of belonging to traditional, historically established European cultural circles is less relevant than before. In fact, among the most obvious changes in the mental maps of young people is the relative decline in the status of Mediterranean countries, especially Italy, as a desirable destination for migration. The countries of the Mediterranean (Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Monaco, Malta, San Marino) represented 70% of the countries whose status deteriorated from 2001 to 2017. In contrast, the status of Northern countries improved. Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark, and Iceland, as well as Ireland, are countries that were more popular migration destinations in 2016/2017 than at the beginning of the millennium.The open-ended questions from the survey point to the reasons why Northern countries improved their status as desirable migration destinations. The qualitative processing of these answers suggests that the new generation mainly bases its choice of the most desirable countries on the economic performance of the destination countries, unlike the earlier generation, which cited cultural reasons rather than economic ones when evaluating countries as highly desirable.At the very bottom of the desirability ranking, both surveys contained countries located on the Balkan peninsula. The ranking of Balkan countries, especially Albania, Serbia, and Kosovo, at the bottom of the list of spatial preferences represents one of the greatest similarities between the 2000/2001 results and the 2016/2017 results. The answers to the open-ended survey questions show a markedly negative attitude towards the possibility of living in a space perceived as “Balkan”, both because of the perceived poor economic performance of these countries and the pronounced and apparently stable negative stereotypes.
U radu se izlažu neki od rezultata istraživanja zasnovanoga na intervjuima sa slijepim i slabovidnim osobama u Zagrebu. Rasprava pokazuje da je iskustvo slijepe osobe u javnim prostorima grada dio ...interakcije između njezina vlastita tijela, fi zičkih obilježja urbanoga okoliša te dominirajućih društvenih diskursa o slijepima. U toj su interakciji društveno i tjelesno uzajamno povezani. U prvome dijelu rada razmatra se prostornovremenska dimenzija mobilnosti slijepih osoba u urbanom prostoru. Analiza je pokazala da gradska struktura, uređenje i infrastruktura, koji su oblikovani primarno za osobe bez tjelesnih oštećenja, utječu na prostorno-vremenske modele kretanja slijepih, što se iskazuje u svođenju kretanja na ograničen broj ruta i u vremenskim ritmovima koji su usklađeni s tijelom, s njegovim limitima i mogućnostima. U drugome se dijelu rad fokusira na stereotipe. Autorica dolazi do zaključka da se u uobičajenim stereo tipima o slijepima: a) identitet slijepe osobe svodi na njezinu sljepoću, b) slijepima se pripisuju neke “neobične” karakteristike, c) podcjenjuje se sposobnost slijepih da samostalno obavljaju svakodnevne stvari, d) nesposobnost osobe da vidi generalizira se u pretpostavku njezine opće nesposobnosti. Pritom se stereotipi, koji tjelesno obilježje prerađuju u društveni imaginarij, materijaliziraju u obliku društvenih prepreka s kojima se suočavaju slijepi. Rezultati rada argumenti su za model invaliditeta koji bi prepoznavao realnost tijela s fi zičkim oštećenjem, a pritom bi osiguravao pravedan i nediskriminatoran društveni okvir u kojem bi se sposobnosti osoba s invaliditetom mogle slobodno realizirati.
This article presents selected results of an interview study conducted with blind and visually impaired persons in Zagreb. It demonstrates that the experience of a blind person in the public spaces ...of a city is part of the interaction between the person’s own body, the physical characteristics of the urban environment and the dominating social discourses about blind persons. In this interaction, the social and the bodily are interconnected. The fi rst part of the paper discusses the spatiotemporal dimension of mobility of blind persons in an urban space. The analysis shows that the city structure, its design, infrastructure, which have primarily been designed for people without physical disabilities, infl uence the spatiotemporal models of the movement of blind persons, which is refl ected in the fact that their movement is restricted to a limited number of routes and time rhythms which are in consonance with the body and its limitations and possibilities. In the second part, the article focuses on stereotypes. The following characteristics of widespread stereotypes about blind persons emerge: a) the stereotype that identity of a blind person is limited to his/her blindness; b) the stereotypical attribution of certain “unusual” characteristics to blind persons; c) the stereotypical underestimation of the ability of blind persons to complete everyday tasks; d) and a stereotypical generalization of the blind person’s inability to see into the assumption about his/her general inability. These stereotypes which transform a bodily characteristic into social imagery materialize as social obstacles which blind persons face. These conclusions are arguments in favor of a model of disability that would recognize the reality of a body with physical disabilities, at the same time ensuring a just and nondiscriminatory social frame in which the abilities of persons with disabilities could be freely realized.
In a semiotic sense, the city-text is a symbolic structure with complex social and communicative functions and codes that enable communication between the sender and the recipient of the message, ...i.e. between the public and its cultural tradition. The textual interpretation of all street names and monuments in a certain area is based on the common characteristics of the city and the written text: these are symbolic entities with fixed, i.e. objectified meanings; they represent the contexts in which they originated, and they are subject to different interpretations. This article explores the ways in which ideology is interwoven into the spatial-symbolic landscapes of the city. The city's periphery, in this case Dubrava – which has a special axiological-symbolic organization – forms an opposition with the city centre (as the "most visible space").
Gradski tekst, shvaćen semiotički, jest znakovna struktura sa složenim socijalno-komunikativnim funkcijama i kodovima koji omogućuju komunikaciju izmeðu pošiljatelja i primatelja poruke, odnosno ...izmeðu javnosti i njezine kulturne tradicije. Tekstualno tumačenje ukupnosti imena ulica i spomenika zasniva se na zajedničkim karakteristikama grada i pisanoga teksta: to su znakovne cjeline u kojima se fiksiraju odnosno objektiviraju značenja, oni reprezentiraju kontekste u kojima su nastali te su podložni različitim interpretacijama. U ovom se članku istražuju načini na koje ideologija prožima prostorno-simboličke krajolike grada. Pritom se središtu grada (kao "najvidljivijemu prostoru") suprotstavlja gradska periferija, u ovom slučaju zagrebačka Dubrava, koja ima osobitu aksiološko-simboličku organizaciju.
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