Food insecurity, the uncertain ability to access adequate food, can limit adherence to dietary measures needed to prevent and manage cardiometabolic conditions. However, little is known about ...temporal trends in food insecurity among those with diet-sensitive cardiometabolic conditions.
We used data from the Continuous National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) 2005-2012, analyzed in 2015-2016, to calculate trends in age-standardized rates of food insecurity for those with and without the following diet-sensitive cardiometabolic conditions: diabetes mellitus, hypertension, coronary heart disease, congestive heart failure, and obesity.
21,196 NHANES participants were included from 4 waves (4,408 in 2005-2006, 5,607 in 2007-2008, 5,934 in 2009-2010, and 5,247 in 2011-2012). 56.2% had at least one cardiometabolic condition, 24.4% had 2 or more, and 8.5% had 3 or more. The overall age-standardized rate of food insecurity doubled during the study period, from 9.06% in 2005-2006 to 10.82% in 2007-2008 to 15.22% in 2009-2010 to 18.33% in 2011-2012 (p for trend < .001). The average annual percentage change in food insecurity for those with a cardiometabolic condition during the study period was 13.0% (95% CI 7.5% to 18.6%), compared with 5.8% (95% CI 1.8% to 10.0%) for those without a cardiometabolic condition, (parallelism test p = .13). Comparing those with and without the condition, age-standardized rates of food insecurity were greater in participants with diabetes (19.5% vs. 11.5%, p < .0001), hypertension (14.1% vs. 11.1%, p = .0003), coronary heart disease (20.5% vs. 11.9%, p < .001), congestive heart failure (18.4% vs. 12.1%, p = .004), and obesity (14.3% vs. 11.1%, p < .001).
Food insecurity doubled to historic highs from 2005-2012, particularly affecting those with diet-sensitive cardiometabolic conditions. Since adherence to specific dietary recommendations is a foundation of the prevention and treatment of cardiometabolic disease, these results have important implications for clinical management and public health.
Research clearly demonstrates that income matters greatly to health. However, income distribution and its relationship to poverty risk is often misunderstood.
We provide a structural account of ...income distribution and poverty risk in the U.S., rooted in the 'roles' that individuals inhabit with relation to the 'factor payment system' (market distribution of income to individuals through wages and asset ownership). Principal roles are child, older adult, and, among working-age adults, disabled individual, student, unemployed individual, caregiver, or paid laborer. Moreover, the roles of other members of an individual's household also influence an individual's income level. This account implies that 1) roles other than paid laborer will be associated with greater poverty risk, 2) household composition will be associated with poverty risk, and 3) income support policies for those not able to engage in paid labor are critical for avoiding poverty. We test hypotheses implied by this account using 2019 and 2022 U.S. Census Current Population Survey data. The exposure variables in our analyses relate to roles and household composition. The outcomes relate to income and poverty risk.
In 2019, 40.1 million individuals (12.7% of the population) experienced poverty under the U.S. Census' Supplemental Poverty Measure. All roles other than paid laborer were associated with greater poverty risk (p < .001 for all comparisons). Household composition, particularly more children and disabled working-age adults, and fewer paid laborers, was also associated with greater poverty risk (p < .001 for all comparisons). Five key policy areas-child benefits, older-age pensions, disability and sickness insurance, unemployment insurance, and out-of-pocket healthcare spending-represented gaps in the welfare state strongly associated with poverty risk.
The role one inhabits and household composition are associated with poverty risk. This understanding of income distribution and poverty risk may be useful for social policy.
Federal Pandemic Unemployment Compensation (FPUC) provided unemployment insurance beneficiaries an extra $600 a week during the unprecedented economic downturn during the coronavirus disease 2019 ...(COVID-19) pandemic, but it initially expired in July 2020. We applied difference-in-differences models to nationally representative data from the Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey to examine changes in unmet health-related social needs and mental health among unemployment insurance beneficiaries before and after initial expiration of FPUC. The initial expiration was associated with a 10.79-percentage-point increase in risk for self-reported missed housing payments. Further, risk for food insufficiency, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms also increased among households that reported receiving unemployment insurance benefits, relative to the period when FPUC was in effect. As further unemployment insurance reform is debated, policy makers should recognize the potential health impact of unemployment insurance.
Policy Points
Multisector collaboration, the dominant approach for responding to health harms created by adverse social conditions, involves collaboration among health care insurers, health care ...systems, and social services organizations.
Social democracy, an underused alternative, seeks to use government policy to shape the civil (e.g., civil rights), political (e.g., voting rights), and economic (e.g., labor market institutions, property rights, and the tax‐and‐transfer system) institutions that produce health.
Multisector collaboration may not achieve its goals, both because the collaborations are difficult to accomplish and because it does not seek to transform social conditions, only to mitigate their harms. Social democracy requires political contestation but has greater potential to improve population health and health equity.
Policy Points
Income is a fundamental cause of health across the life course. To address income‐related health inequities, we need a set of overlapping and complementary policy approaches rather ...than focusing on a single policy.
During their lives, individuals inhabit different roles with regard to their ability to earn wages, and at any given time, only about 50% of the US population are expected to earn wages, while the rest (e.g., children, older adults, those who are disabled, unemployed, students, and/or caregivers) are not.
Three key “branch points” for designing policy approaches to address income‐related health inequity are (1) should the needed good or service be obtained on the market? (2) do policy beneficiaries currently earn income? and (3) have policy beneficiaries earned income previously? The responses to these questions suggest one of four policy approaches: social services, social enfranchisement, social insurance, or social assistance.
It is unclear if helping patients meet resource needs, such as difficulty affording food, housing, or medications, improves clinical outcomes.
To determine the effectiveness of the Health Leads ...program on improvement in systolic and diastolic blood pressure (SBP and DBP, respectively), low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL-C) level, and hemoglobin A1c (HbA1c) level.
A difference-in-difference evaluation of the Health Leads program was conducted from October 1, 2012, through September 30, 2015, at 3 academic primary care practices. Health Leads consists of screening for unmet needs at clinic visits, and offering those who screen positive to meet with an advocate to help obtain resources, or receive brief information provision.
Changes in SBP, DBP, LDL-C level, and HbA1c level. We compared those who screened positive for unmet basic needs (Health Leads group) with those who screened negative, using intention-to-treat, and, secondarily, between those who did and did not enroll in Health Leads, using linear mixed modeling, examining the period before and after screening.
A total of 5125 people were screened, using a standardized form, for unmet basic resource needs; 3351 screened negative and 1774 screened positive. For those who screened positive, the mean age was 57.6 years and 1811 (56%) were women. For those who screened negative, the mean age was 56.7 years and 909 (57%) were women. Of 5125 people screened, 1774 (35%) reported at least 1 unmet need, and 1021 (58%) of those enrolled in Health Leads. Median follow-up for those who screened positive and negative was 34 and 32 months, respectively. In unadjusted intention-to-treat analyses of 1998 participants with hypertension, the Health Leads group experienced greater reduction in SBP (differential change, -1.2; 95% CI, -2.1 to -0.4) and DBP (differential change, -1.0; 95% CI, -1.5 to -0.5). For 2281 individuals with an indication for LDL-C level lowering, results also favored the Health Leads group (differential change, -3.7; 95% CI -6.7 to -0.6). For 774 individuals with diabetes, the Health Leads group did not show HbA1c level improvement (differential change, -0.04%; 95% CI, -0.17% to 0.10%). Results adjusted for baseline demographic and clinical differences were not qualitatively different. Among those who enrolled in Health Leads program, there were greater BP and LDL-C level improvements than for those who declined (SBP differential change -2.6; 95% CI,-3.5 to -1.7; SBP differential change, -1.4; 95% CI, -1.9 to -0.9; LDL-C level differential change, -6.3; 95% CI, -9.7 to -2.8).
Screening for and attempting to address unmet basic resource needs in primary care was associated with modest improvements in blood pressure and lipid, but not blood glucose, levels.
The Monthly Cycle of Hypoglycemia Basu, Sanjay; Berkowitz, Seth A.; Seligman, Hilary
Medical care,
07/2017, Letnik:
55, Številka:
7
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
BACKGROUND:Multipayer initiatives have sought to address social determinants of health, such as food insecurity, by linking primary care patients to social services. It remains unclear whether such ...social determinants contribute to avoidable short-term health care costs.
OBJECTIVES:We sought to quantify costs and mitigating factors for the increased risk of hypoglycemia at the end of each month among low-income Americans, a phenomenon related to exhaustion of food budgets.
RESEARCH DESIGN:We used claims data on 595,770 commercially insured American adults aged 19 through 64 years old from 2004 through 2015 to estimate the risks and costs of emergency room visits and inpatient hospitalizations for hypoglycemia during the last week of each month versus prior weeks.
RESULTS:Although persons with household incomes greater than the national median did not experience a monthly cycle of hypoglycemia, those with incomes less than the national median had an odds ratio of 1.07 (95% confidence interval, 1.02–1.12; P=0.005) for emergency room visits or inpatient hospitalizations for hypoglycemia during the last week of each month, compared with earlier weeks. The risk of end-of-the-month hypoglycemia was mitigated to statistical insignificance during a period of increased federal nutrition program benefits from 2009 through 2013. Eliminating the monthly cycle of hypoglycemia among commercially insured nonelderly adults would be expected to avert $54.1 million per year (95% confidence interval, $0.8–$204.0) in emergency department and inpatient hospitalization costs.
CONCLUSIONS:Addressing the end-of-the-month increase in hypoglycemia risk among lower-income populations may avert substantial costs from emergency department visits and inpatient hospitalizations.This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives License 4.0 (CCBY-NC-ND), where it is permissible to download and share the work provided it is properly cited. The work cannot be changed in any way or used commercially without permission from the journal. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
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