Beliefs based on patriarchy have different manifestations, from gender-insensitive language to discriminatory and prejudiced behavior. While the consequences of patriarchal beliefs are observable and ...well-studied, more attention is required to unravel the role of societal actors that contribute to both their development and their suppression. The present research applies the novel Socio-cognitive Discourse Studies to investigate how the media acts as a significant mediating public structure that has the potential to enable or disable the reproduction of patriarchy. I investigate the media discourse on sex-selective abortion (SSA)-the practice of the targeted elimination of female fetuses. The study takes the case of Montenegro, listed among the leading countries in the world with a significantly distorted sex ratio at birth. Besides confirming that the majority of the media encourage the status quo through its passive approach to SSA, the socio-cognitive analysis also established the relationship between the media and consumers, revealing how the different discourse strategies the journalists use trigger different cognitive responses among their audience. This study discovered discursive patterns in the public presentation of women while pointing out the crucial role the media plays in disseminating analytical and balanced information on significant and worrisome tendencies, such as SSA.
In recent years, the ethical impact of AI has been increasingly scrutinized, with public scandals emerging over biased outcomes, lack of transparency, and the misuse of data. This has led to a ...growing mistrust of AI and increased calls for mandated ethical audits of algorithms. Current proposals for ethical assessment of algorithms are either too high level to be put into practice without further guidance, or they focus on very specific and technical notions of fairness or transparency that do not consider multiple stakeholders or the broader social context. In this article, we present an auditing framework to guide the ethical assessment of an algorithm. The audit instrument itself is comprised of three elements: a list of possible interests of stakeholders affected by the algorithm, an assessment of metrics that describe key ethically salient features of the algorithm, and a relevancy matrix that connects the assessed metrics to stakeholder interests. The proposed audit instrument yields an ethical evaluation of an algorithm that could be used by regulators and others interested in doing due diligence, while paying careful attention to the complex societal context within which the algorithm is deployed.
Meaningful human control over AI is exalted as a key tool for assuring safety, dignity, and responsibility for AI and automated decision-systems. It is a central topic especially in fields that deal ...with the use of AI for decisions that could cause significant harm, like AI-enabled weapons systems. This paper argues that discussions regarding meaningful human control commonly fail to identify the purpose behind the call for meaningful human control and that stating that purpose is a necessary step in deciding how best to institutionalize meaningful human control over AI. The paper identifies 5 common purposes for human control and sketches how different purpose translate into different institutional design.
Dugotrajno nastojanje Vijeća Europe i Europske unije za suzbijanjem dominacije na medijskom tržištu nije u potpunosti riješilo pitanje medijske koncentracije. Cilj je ovog rada ispitati u kojoj je ...mjeri europska medijska politika dosljedna u uklanjanju koncentriranoga medijskog vlasništva. U radu ispitujemo primjenjivost europskih standarda na dvjema postkomunističkim zemljama, Crnoj Gori i Srbiji, kojima je pluralno medijsko tržište jedan od neophodnih preduvjeta za pridruživanje Europskoj uniji. Analizom smo utvrdili kako je europska medijska politika imala periode diskontinuiteta koji su rezultat balansiranja između neoliberalne paradigme i demokratskog pluralizma, nadmetanja s američkim tržištem, naglih tehnoloških promjena i svjetske financijske krize iz 2008. godine. Također smo ustanovili kako Crna Gora i Srbija usklađuju svoje medijsko zakonodavstvo s europskim, ali da još uvijek imaju izražen problem s medijskom koncentracijom, osobito u području transparentnoga medijskog vlasništva, javnog financiranja i političkog utjecaja. Rezultati ovog rada time postavljaju implikacije za analizu europske medijske politike, a posebno medijskog ambijenta postkomunističkih zemalja koje se još uvijek nisu u potpunosti odrekle nasljeđa personaliziranih sustava.
The long-standing efforts of the Council of Europe and the European Union to prevent monopoly in the media market have failed to fully resolve the issue of media concentration. This paper aims to examine the consistency of the European media policy in eliminating media consolidation. It also analyses the suitability of European standards for two post-communist countries, Montenegro and Serbia, for which media pluralism is required as one of the priorities for EU accession. The analysis demonstrated inconsistency in European media policy. More precisely, the discontinuity has been caused by the tension between the neoliberal paradigm and democratic pluralism, competitiveness with the US media market, sudden technological development, and the global financial crisis of 2008. The results further indicate that Montenegro and Serbia have harmonized their media legislation with European regulations. However, both countries still have profound problems with media concentration, especially in the domain of media ownership, public media funding, and political influence. The results of this paper provide implications for the analysis of European media policies and the media environment of post-communist countries, which have not entirely renounced the legacy of personalized systems.
Traditionally, in deciding whether some strategy or action in war is proportionate and necessary and thus permissible both international law and just war theory focus exclusively on civilian deaths ...and the destruction of civilian infrastructure. I argue in this paper that any argument that can explain why we should care about collateral killing and damage to infrastructure can also explain why collateral displacement matters. I argue that displacement is a foreseeable near-proximate cause of lethal harm to civilians and is relevant for proportionality and necessity calculi. Accepting my argument has significant consequences for what we are permitted to do in war and for what obligations we have towards refugees that result from our actions in war.
This paper maintains that the just war tradition provides a useful framework for analyzing ethical issues related to the development of weapons that incorporate artificial intelligence (AI), or ..."AI-enabled weapons." While development of any weapon carries the risk of violations of jus ad bellum and jus in bello, AI-enabled weapons can pose distinctive risks of these violations. The article argues that developing AI-enabled weapons in accordance with jus ante bellum principles of just preparation for war can help minimize the risk of these violations. These principles impose two obligations. The first is that before deploying an AI-enabled weapon a state must rigorously test its safety and reliability, and conduct review of its ability to comply with international law. Second, a state must develop AI-enabled weapons in ways that minimize the likelihood that a security dilemma will arise, in which other states feel threatened by this development and hasten to deploy such weapons without sufficient testing and review. Ethical development of weapons that incorporate AI therefore requires that a state focus not only on its own activity, but on how that activity is perceived by other states.
The legal equality of combatants (LEC) is a fixture of international law and just war theory. Both scholars who embrace and those who reject the moral equality of combatants seem committed to the ...legal equality of combatants. Their reasons usually include pragmatic worries about unjust combatants committing even more harm if they were to be simply prohibited from fighting. In this article I argue that this sweeping commitment to the legal equality of combatants is mistaken and that it is often grounded in a misunderstanding of the way international law governs behavior.
War has changed so much that it barely resembles the paradigmatic cases of armed conflict that just war theories and international humanitarian law seemed to have had in mind even a few decades ago. ...The changing character of war includes not only the use of new technology such as drones, but probably more problematically the changing temporal and spatial scope of war and the changing character of actors in war. These changes give rise to worries about what counts as war and thus what norms to use in evaluating a particular conflict. In this paper, I develop an argument that the changing character of war gives us reasons to take reductionist revisions of just war theory seriously. By reductionist theories of war I mean those revisions within the just war tradition that suggest that we can use ordinary peacetime interpersonal analyses of moral responsibility and liability to harm to decide what justice requires in times of war.
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