Most research on social movements has ignored the significance of emotions. This edited volume seeks to redress this oversight and introduces new research themes and tools to the field of emotions ...and social movements.
Sociologists and political activists around the world will find this volume to be of great interest due to its wide-ranging approach and its unique emphasis on the role of emotion in protest, dissent and social movements.
It is important to include civil society in the purview of the sociology of professions because many professionals and professions interact not just with the state and the market but also with civil ...society actors. Moreover, members of professions engage in civic action and political activism not just as citizens or single professionals but also as the (founding or regular) members of their professional associations. They also establish think-tanks, research and counseling centres, consortia, and on occasion even citizen initiatives or social movements. Professional life can be explored more comprehensively when these professional interactions and activities are included in the analysis. The text provides a standard definition of professions, argues for considering professions’ role in civil society, defines civil society, and draws on US research on civic and political lawyering to buttress its arguments. Some examples from other professions are also offered.
It is important to include civil society in the purview of the sociology of professions because many professionals and professions interact not just with the state and the market but also with civil ...society actors. Moreover, members of professions engage in civic action and political activism not just as citizens or single professionals but also as the (founding or regular) members of their professional associations. They also establish think-tanks, research and counseling centres, consortia, and on occasion even citizen initiatives or social movements. Professional life can be explored more comprehensively when these professional interactions and activities are included in the analysis. The text provides a standard definition of professions, argues for considering professions’ role in civil society, defines civil society, and draws on US research on civic and political lawyering to buttress its arguments. Some examples from other professions are also offered.
The text at first focuses on a recent human rights movement for Truth, Justice and Reconciliation (TJ&R) and the War against Impunity. It briefly presents power structures, values, events and ...mobilizations that have led to some key forms of its institutionalization, such as the Truth Commissions (TCs), International Crime Tribunals (ICTs) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. It then poses the question of the emotional regimes that have accompanied its emergence and institutionalization. It does so in a threefold manner: it asks what feeling rules have been proposed by the Western armchair critics of the West as appropriate for dealing with past/distant human suffering. It then focuses on the activists - the humanitarian and human rights movements active where the suffering takes place - to see what they propose as appropriate feeling rules. Finally, it reproduces some elements of a broader, transnational debate concerning TJ&R to tease out the feeling rules advocated for victims and perpetrators facing TCs, ICTs, and the ICC in The Hague. In conclusion, the text asks whether we can speak of a Western institutional and emotional regime growing out of the movement for TJ&R.
Este artículo trata sobre los regímenes emocionales transnacionales relacionados con el 'sufrimiento a distancia'. Se sostiene que los movimientos solidarios transnacionales del pasado fueron ...'románticos' e ingenuos y que no aprendimos mucho de sus éxitos y fracasos. Tales movimientos fueron reemplazados por un nuevo régimen de compasión, así lo demuestran diversos ejemplos. El escrito vuelve entonces sobre el tema de los refugiados, discute por qué Alemania aceptó a tantos de ellos entre 2015 y 2016, y sugiere que los regímenes emocionales transnacionales relacionados con el 'sufrimiento a distancia' –es decir, que refieren al desplazamiento desde la solidaridad hacia la compasión– influirán fuertemente acerca de cómo los refugiados, en Alemania e igualmente en otros lugares, serán tratados por el pueblo de buena voluntad que los acoge.
The article focuses on the sexual harassment of children by the Catholic clergy in the US up until the early 2000s. The goal is to show how the emotional regime determining the relations between the ...clergy and the faithful changed as a result of successive revelations about clerical sexual abuse and the intransigence of the church on this issue. Both deprived it of much of its protective charisma and thus untouchability. Faced with mounting contestations and financial pressures, the upper echelons of the church hierarchy were forced to switch from unilateral bureaucratic to multilateral decision-making forms. The text highlights the contribution of the women's and victims' movements, popular culture (Oprah Winfrey!), insurance rules, and courageous journalists and lawyers to this process.
This article is about how sociological research in Germany addresses issues that first seem to be unconnected: young new Fascists and migrants. We will present research in these two areas to show how ...social scientists contribute to feelings about their respective objects of research. We will argue that although both have cultural disorientation of their study objects as their point of departure, they offer differing explanations for it and as a consequence construct contrasting emotions towards the new Fascists and migrants: they portray new Fascists as disoriented victims of modernization in need of sympathy, while they blame migrants for their disorientation resulting from migration and thus call for indifference or antipathy towards this group. Comparing both research fields we can show that both sets of emotions interconnect and thus form a dichotomous emotional regime. Sociological research helps to sustain lines of inclusion and exclusion from the German society.
Although sociology of organizations never banned emotions from its field of inquiry, first the sociology of emotions elevated them to central research objects. Disparate research on various types of ...enterprises shows that both managers and employees are much more emotional than most scientists would care to admit. Under constant pressure not to display their fears, anxieties or worries, they have to balance a mixture of emotions attending solidarity and competition with their peers. Whereas managerial roles actually call for occasional displays of anger at subordinates, anger is beyond the pale for subordinates who are supposed to swallow anger, humiliation or fear. Capitalist labour, no matter whether this of managers or that of workers, exacts a heavy emotional toll. While in handling their work managers rely heavily on the emotional support of their peers and secretaries, employees spin nostalgic stories or take to subversive workplace humour. Against this broader perspective, Arlie Hochschild's research and its critique have focused exclusively on the workers' emotional toll. In centre of interest is emotional labour exacted by employers and the many ways of managing undesired feelings which this labour requires. Hochschild's critics stress that subordinates often find ways of evading supervision and playing with rules for emotional display, so that they are much less subject to emotion management than her research agenda implies. Although Hochschild's research and its echo produced the only coherent body of theory-guided research to emerge so far within the sociology of organizations under the influence of the sociology of emotions, the chapter ends with an argument that her valuable yet work-focused approach has become constraining in times of disjointed, turbulent capitalism. Social change demands that we enlarge our scope of inquiry to include the experience of lay-off and unemployment as well as work-unrelated emotions and the broader society into our purview.
Artykuł traktuje o kobiecych, reformatorskich środowiskach i stowarzyszeniach prawniczych oraz śledzi ich rozwój od czasów Republiki Weimarskiej do lat 50-tych XX-wieku. Autorka omawia działania ...kobiet-prawniczek wykształconych w Niemczech i tworzonych przez nie zrzeszeń na rzecz równouprawnienia kobiet. Choć uniwersytety w Niemczech dopiero na początku XX wieku zaczęły przyjmować kobiety na studia prawnicze, a do 1922 roku (z wyjątkiem kilku landów) nie mogły one składać egzaminów i pracować w zawodzie, nie przeszkadzało im to założyć swojego zrzeszenia i działać na rzecz zmian prowadzących do równego wykształcenia, zatrudnienia, praw wyborczych, rodzinnych i cywilnych dla mężczyzn i kobiet. Kres ich staraniom położyła II wojna światowa. Jednakże zyskane doświadczenie w działalności publicznej zaowocowało podczas mobilizacji kobiet w czasie konfliktu o tekst artykułu 3 Konstytucji Republiki Federalnej Niemiec.
Anger in Repressive Regimes Flam, Helena
European journal of social theory,
05/2004, Letnik:
7, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
A well-established idea is that the powerless, even when they are angered by the relations of domination or their consequences, do not display this anger for fear of negative sanctions. Although in ...the first part of his Domination and the Arts of ResistanceJames Scott elaborates this idea in a creative manner, he challenges it in the second part of his book. He proposes that when autonomous spaces emerge in the systems of absolute domination, the powerless use them to develop their own cultures of solidarity and dissent. These make it highly probable that the long-suppressed anger, rather than just simmering, will one day explode in the face of the oppressor with a satisfying full blast. In this article I use mostly Central European material to argue against Scott’s unorthodox view. I line up evidence in support of the thesis that, even where there are autonomous spaces and cultures of dissent, citizens display apathy and protesters start out with much anxiety and caution, afraid to provoke the anger of the powerful. Fear of repression and the wish to dilute one’s own and the onlookers’ anxiety, I argue, account for why, in this region after 1980, protest assumed ever more ambivalent, satirical and carnivalesque forms. Not anger, but rather a mixture of fear and hope – the latter propagated by the leading ÈmigrÈ and domestic dissidents – dictated the display of such emotions as anxiety, but also sorrow or joy.
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