Why are religious conflicts more violent than non-religious conflicts? Research has argued that religion pushes partisans toward violence. However, existing research suffers from widespread problems ...of measurement validity and fails to confront the possibility of endogeneity in the relationship between religion and violence. This article develops a more precise measure of the relevance of religion to conflict based on the use of religious rhetoric by political organizations. With this approach in mind, this article disentangles the causal sequence linking religious rhetoric and violence using annually coded data on the rhetoric of 495 organizations worldwide from 1970 through 2012. The analysis finds a strong general correlation between religious rhetoric and violence. However, past use of religious rhetoric does not increase the likelihood that an organization will participate in violence or the overall intensity of conflict. On the contrary, previous participation in violence makes an organization more likely to adopt religious rhetoric for mobilization. Indeed, religious rhetoric becomes more likely as violence increases in intensity and conflict continues for longer periods of time. These findings suggest that violent actors adopt religious rhetoric to solve the logistical challenges associated with violence, including access to mobilizing resources and recruitment and retention of members. This article contributes to the study of religious conflict by providing evidence of endogeneity in the relationship between religion and violence and highlighting the need for temporally sensitive measures of religious mobilization.
Faith in Contention Isaacs, Matthew
Comparative political studies,
02/2017, Letnik:
50, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
What explains variation in the role of religion in ethnic conflict? Although conflict involving religion is often more violent and longer lasting than other forms of conflict, to date little research ...has examined the factors explaining the relevance of religion to conflict mobilization. Adopting a rational choice approach, I argue that religion is more likely to be a salient component of conflict when an ethnic group’s religious leaders face local incentives to compete over adherents. I test this approach using a multi-method research design that combines statistical analysis of original time-series data on the salience of religion in conflict with qualitative evidence drawn from the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Both types of analyses support the notion that competition among religious leaders can serve as a precursor to the mobilization of religious sentiment in conflict, which in turn exerts a tremendous influence on the intensity and duration of conflict.
Despite existing separation services provided by the military, many transitioning to civilian life report continued or even worsening issues, including anger outbursts, PTSD, sustained substance use, ...and strained family relationships. Further, only 61% of the 1,906,754 veterans separated since 2002 participate in the VA health care system after separation, indicating that at least three quarters of a million veterans are not captured by research conducted in VA systems. The current study (
N
= 90) examined the perceived needs of veterans transitioning from the military to civilian life, assessed issues that prevent these individuals from participating in VA health care upon separation, and captured veteran recommendations to improve existing separation services, either prior to or after the transition to civilian life. Veterans identified several needs, including improved access to care, mental health and substance use counseling, and preparedness for adjustment and economical/financial issues. Implications for both care and policy are discussed.
Those currently serving in the military constitute a vulnerable population given their high-risk status for substance use, and population data suggest that veterans continue to engage in significant ...substance use long after their military service ends. Recent research suggests that the separation transition from active duty to civilian life may be critical in terms of the future functioning of the veteran.
We sought to explore substance use prevalence, as well as potential emotional distress among veterans by retrospectively assessing substance use during active duty and following separation to examine possible changes in use over this period. This study assessed substance use and emotional distress in veterans (N = 80; 90% male) across the military to civilian transition.
Repeated measures tests indicated that endorsement of alcohol use, cigarette use, and prescription drug misuse was similar during active duty and post-separation, and marijuana and hard drug use endorsement increased significantly in the 6-mo period post-separation. Further, comorbid use of different substances was common. Active duty levels of anxiety/depression and aggressive feelings were maintained from active duty to post-separation, and feeling alone and military-based trauma symptoms increased significantly. Finally, participants indicated that only a minority of the veterans they knew were doing emotionally well or did not have alcohol/substance use issues.
These findings indicate a clear need for substance use and psychological intervention availability before and after transition to enable veterans to transition to civilian life effectively. Based on the many issues at work during the transition process, programs may do well to focus more specifically on identification of problems and raising awareness, rather than awaiting more severe issues in the future. Validation of the difficulties of the separation transition, veterans' feelings of isolation, and the importance of veteran community support may help newly transitioning veterans find advocates who may help them navigate existing assistance programs.
Faith in Contention Isaacs, Matthew
Comparative political studies,
02/2017, Letnik:
50, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
What explains variation in the role of religion in ethnic conflict? Although conflict involving religion is often more violent and longer lasting than other forms of conflict, to date little research ...has examined the factors explaining the relevance of religion to conflict mobilization. Adopting a rational choice approach, I argue that religion is more likely to be a salient component of conflict when an ethnic group's religious leaders face local incentives to compete over adherents. I test this approach using a multi-method research design that combines statistical analysis of original time-series data on the salience of religion in conflict with qualitative evidence drawn from the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Both types of analyses support the notion that competition among religious leaders can serve as a precursor to the mobilization of religious sentiment in conflict, which in turn exerts a tremendous influence on the intensity and duration of conflict.
Why are religious conflicts more violent than non-religious conflicts? Research has argued that religion pushes partisans toward violence. However, existing research suffers from widespread problems ...of measurement validity and fails to confront the possibility of endogeneity in the relationship between religion and violence. This article develops a more precise measure of the relevance of religion to conflict based on the use of religious rhetoric by political organizations. With this approach in mind, this article disentangles the causal sequence linking religious rhetoric and violence using annually coded data on the rhetoric of 495 organizations worldwide from 1970 through 2012. The analysis finds a strong general correlation between religious rhetoric and violence. However, past use of religious rhetoric does not increase the likelihood that an organization will participate in violence or the overall intensity of conflict. On the contrary, previous participation in violence makes an organization more likely to adopt religious rhetoric for mobilization. Indeed, religious rhetoric becomes more likely as violence increases in intensity and conflict continues for longer periods of time. These findings suggest that violent actors adopt religious rhetoric to solve the logistical challenges associated with violence, including access to mobilizing resources and recruitment and retention of members. This article contributes to the study of religious conflict by providing evidence of endogeneity in the relationship between religion and violence and highlighting the need for temporally sensitive measures of religious mobilization.
Technetium-99 (99Tc) is an important radionuclide when considering the disposal of nuclear wastes owing to its long half-life and environmental mobility in the pertechnetate (Tc(VII)) redox state. ...Its behaviour in a range of potential cement encapsulants and backfill materials has been studied by analysing uptake onto pure cement phases and hardened cement pastes. Preferential, but limited, uptake of pertechnetate was observed on iron-free, calcium silicate hydrates (C–S–H) and aluminate ferrite monosulphate (AFm) phases with no significant adsorption onto ettringite or calcium aluminates. Diffusion of 99Tc through cured monolithic samples, representative of cements being considered for use in geological disposal facilities across Europe, revealed markedly diverse migration behaviour, primarily due to chemical interactions with the cement matrix rather than differential permeability or other physical factors. A backfill cement, developed specifically for the purpose of radionuclide retention, gave the poorest performance of all formulations studied in terms of both transport rates and overall technetium retention. Two of the matrices, pulverised fuel ash: ordinary Portland cement (PFA:OPC) and a low-pH blend incorporating fly ash, effectively retarded 99Tc migration via precipitation in narrow, reactive zones. These findings have important implications when choosing cementitious grouts and/or backfill for Tc-containing radioactive wastes.
Display omitted
•Limited uptake of 99Tc on C–S–H and AFm phases with no significant adsorption onto ettringite or calcium aluminates.•Marked variation in diffusion of 99Tc through cured cement monoliths due to chemical interactions with the cement matrix.•Blends containing fly ash effectively retard 99Tc migration via precipitation in narrow, reactive zones.
The global black freedom struggle of the early twentieth century took many turns, while building momentum into the post-World War II era. Along the way, an interracial coterie of activists and ...disparate organizations rallied around a mass movement for black advancement. They enlarged avenues of resistance and developed strategies for cooperative alliances that laid the groundwork for future organizations and activists, often in areas that remain understudied. This dissertation examines one of those locations, Memphis, Tennessee, and its engagement with the global black freedom struggle during the interwar period. Due to a convergence of local, national, and international forces, the city was a catalyst for increased interracial cooperation and inter-organizational collaboration, which emboldened networks of resistance to the white supremacy structure throughout the South. Connecting to the global black freedom struggle, a template for organizing the South developed in Memphis and was employed well into the civil rights era. By the early twentieth century, Memphis was already well–known to international and national activists and organizations focused upon black advancement. Black Memphians such as Robert Church, Sr. and Ida Wells worked throughout the late nineteenth century to ensure that African Americans in the city remained enfranchised, had access to economic uplift, and fought the scourge of lynch violence. Their struggles to make Memphis an anomaly with regard to black equality in the South kept the city in a national spotlight. During the early part of the twentieth century, Church’s son, Robert Church Jr., continued that fight as he rose to national prominence within the Republican Party. By 1933, African American radicals such as the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) leader Harry Haywood ventured into Memphis, organizing a yearlong protest against violence directed toward black citizens. In the wake of these protests, interracial cooperation directed toward black advancement increased for the rest of the decade. By examining Memphis during the interwar period with an eye to national and international concerns, this study endeavors to illuminate the city’s specific connections to the global black freedom struggle and evinces how the interwar period in Memphis was integral to the American civil rights movement.
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