Značaj državne funkcije predsjednika republike, ako se uzme u obzir već samo i u 'najmanjem' obujmu kao ceremonijalnog predstavnika države, implicira potrebu ustavnopravnog uređenja i uredne primjene ...instituta njegova zamjenjivanja. Zamjenjivanjem predsjednika republike podrazumijeva se ustavom uređen postupak preuzimanja njegovih ovlasti i dužnosti (ili čak i samog položaja/funkcije) od strane određenog državnog dužnosnika ili kolegijalnog tijela, nastupom činjenica biološke (smrt, privremena ili trajna nesposobnost) ili pravno-političke naravi (ostavka, opoziv) na njegovoj strani. Autor u radu daje pregled ustavnopravnog uređenja ovoga instituta u državama čiji se ustavni sustavi smatraju paradigmatskim s obzirom na pojedine modele ustrojstva vlasti. Razlike se kreću u spektru od nepostojanja funkcije potpredsjednika, u državama parlamentarnog i polupredsjedničkog modela vlasti (dok postojanje u predsjedničkom modelu problem zamjenjivanja značajno olakšava), potrebe i rokova za (ne)održavanje izbora novoga predsjednika nastupom razloga za zamjenjivanje, pa do ustavom utvrđenoga niza dužnosnika pojedinih državnih tijela ili tijela u cjelini koji/a ga trebaju zamijeniti (kao i duljini toga niza), te opsegu i podjeli ovlasti koje se u slučaju zamjenjivanja prenose na iste. Usporedbom razmotrenih ustavnih rješenja izvode se zaključci o efikasnosti rješavanja ovoga ustavnopravnoga problema u pojedinom modelu vlasti u korelaciji sa značajem i širinom ustavnih ovlasti predsjednika republike u pojedinom modelu ustrojstva državne vlasti.
U ovom se radu istražuje Habermasova politička filozofija osobnog i kolektivnog identiteta i uloge ustava u izgrađivanju postnacionalne konstelacije u njegovim političkim spisima. Razmatraju se ...Habermasovi stavovi o europskom identitetu i koji bi ulogu mogao imati europski ustavotvorni proces u njegovu formiranju, te odgovori na no-demos tezu kroz njegov koncept ustavnog patriotizma. Autor smatra kako su ustavni patriotizam i proceduralizam u Habermasovim političkim i pravnim razmatranjima realističniji dio njegova diskursa, ali da još uvijek imaju nedostataka u odnosu na pokušaj 'pronalaženja’ izvora ustavotvorne vlasti u Europskoj uniji, dok njegova potraga za europskim identitetom kao pretpolitičkim gledištem kroz model europskih političkih sfera još uvijek ostaje dijelom idealističke vizije.
This paper explores Habermas's political philosophy of personal and collective identity and the role of constitution in building a post-national constellation in his political writings. Habermas's ...stances on European identity and the role that the European constitution-making process could have on the formation of aforementioned identity are reviewed, with responses to the no-demos thesis through his concept of constitutional patriotism. Author argues that constitutional patriotism and proceduralism in his political and legalistic observations seems to be the more realistic part of his discourse, while his search for European identity as pre-political viewpoint through the model of European political spheres still remains part of the idealistic vision.
ABSTRACT IN CROATIAN: U ovom se radu istrazuje Habermasova politicka filozofija osobnog i kolektivnog identiteta i uloge ustava u izgradivanju postnacionalne konstelacije u njegovim politickim ...spisima. Razmatraju se Habermasovi stavovi o europskom identitetu i koji bi ulogu mogao imati europski ustavotvorni proces u njegovu formiranju, te odgovori na no-demos tezu kroz njegov koncept ustavnog patriotizma. Autor smatra kako su ustavni patriotizam i proceduralizam u Habermasovim politickim i pravnim razmatranjima realisticniji dio njegova diskursa, ali da jos uvijek imaju nedostataka u odnosu na pokusaje 'pronalazenja' izvora ustavotvorne vlasti u Europskoj uniji, dok njegova potraga za europskim identitetom kao pretpolitickim gledistem kroz model europskih politickih sfera jos uvijek ostaje dijelom idealisticke vizije. // ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH: This paper explores Habermas's political philosophy of personal and collective identity and the role of constitution in building a post-national constellation in his political writings. Habermas's stances on European identity and the role that the European constitution-making process could have on the formation of aforementioned identity are reviewed, with responses to the no-demos thesis through his concept of constitutional patriotism. Author argues that constitutional patriotism and proceduralism in his political and legalistic observations seems to be the more realistic part of his discourse, while his search for European identity as pre-political viewpoint through the model of European political spheres still remains part of the idealistic vision. Reprinted by permission of Fakultet politickih znanosti u Zagrebu
This paper explores Habermas's political philosophy of personal and collective identity and the role of constitution in building a post-national constellation in his political writings. Habermas's ...stances on European identity and the role that the European constitution-making process could have on the formation of aforementioned identity are reviewed, with responses to the no-demos thesis through his concept of constitutional patriotism. Author argues that constitutional patriotism and proceduralism in his political and legalistic observations seems to be the more realistic part of his discourse, while his search for European identity as pre-political viewpoint through the model of European political spheres still remains part of the idealistic vision. Adapted from the source document.
This paper explores Habermas’s political philosophy of personal and collective identity and the role of constitution in building a post-national constellation in his political writings. Habermas’s ...stances on European identity and the role that the European constitution-making process could have on the formation of aforementioned identity are reviewed, with responses to the no-demos thesis through his concept of constitutional patriotism. Author argues that constitutional patriotism and proceduralism in his political and legalistic observations seems to be the more realistic part of his discourse, while his search for European identity as pre-political viewpoint through the model of European political spheres still remains part of the idealistic vision.
Značaj državne funkcije predsjednika republike, ako se uzme u obzir već samo i u 'najmanjem' obujmu kao ceremonijalnog predstavnika države, implicira potrebu ustavnopravnog uređenja i uredne primjene ...instituta njegova zamjenjivanja. Zamjenjivanjem predsjednika republike podrazumijeva se ustavom uređen postupak preuzimanja njegovih ovlasti i dužnosti (ili čak i samog položaja/funkcije) od strane određenog državnog dužnosnika ili kolegijalnog tijela, nastupom činjenica biološke (smrt, privremena ili trajna nesposobnost) ili pravno-političke naravi (ostavka, opoziv) na njegovoj strani. Autor u radu daje pregled ustavnopravnog uređenja ovoga instituta u državama čiji se ustavni sustavi smatraju paradigmatskim s obzirom na pojedine modele ustrojstva vlasti. Razlike se kreću u spektru od nepostojanja funkcije potpredsjednika, u državama parlamentarnog i polupredsjedničkog modela vlasti (dok postojanje u predsjedničkom modelu problem zamjenjivanja značajno olakšava), potrebe i rokova za (ne)održavanje izbora novoga predsjednika nastupom razloga za zamjenjivanje, pa do ustavom utvrđenoga niza dužnosnika pojedinih državnih tijela ili tijela u cjelini koji/a ga trebaju zamijeniti (kao i duljini toga niza), te opsegu i podjeli ovlasti koje se u slučaju zamjenjivanja prenose na iste. Usporedbom razmotrenih ustavnih rješenja izvode se zaključci o efikasnosti rješavanja ovoga ustavnopravnoga problema u pojedinom modelu vlasti u korelaciji sa značajem i širinom ustavnih ovlasti predsjednika republike u pojedinom modelu ustrojstva državne vlasti.
Significance of the president of the republic office, even in ’smallest’ volume as of ceremonial representative of state, implicate necesity for constitutional regulation and due implementation of ...the substitution of president. Substitution of president means constitutionaly arranged devolution of presidential powers and duties (or even the office itself) to specific state officer in stipulated cases (death, resignation, removal from office, temporary or permanent disability) and procedure. Author made review of constitutional regulation of this matter in states with constitutional systems of paradigmatical character regarding organisation of government models. He founds diversities from non presence of vice president office, in parliamentary and semi – presidential system states, which existence solves this issue in easiest manner in presidential system, necesity for (non)election of new president, to the presidential succession line of officers or state bodies and it’s lenght. Comparation of constitutional solutions leads to conclusions about efficiency of solving this constitutional matter in individual government model in correlation to importance and widht of powers and duties which are assigned to president of the republic in respective constitutional system.
Although the sickness can equally befall each person in hectic living conditions, yet when illness strikes President of the State or Prime minister, a different perception emerges in public. Image of ...strenght and the ability of state official is critical for existence of public confidence and stability of the political system. Elementary question that arises is, when for health reasons, desired public image is left out: whether to inform the public about his health, to which extent, to deny it, or even to cover it up. In this paper we examine the situation of the disease that involves high government official: President of the State, Prime minister, minister, member of the representative assembly, in one word politician, and its impact on his actions and decisions which may have or have consequences for the public interest and government policies that are being implemented. The paper deals with content and nature of the relationship between a physician and a medical team and high government official, the role of the physician in determining the need to carry out succession procedure of high government official because of a disease that prevents him to perform his powers and duties, informing the public about the health of the government official, when and should it be restricted, and the development of public culture in that field. The disease of the first Croatian president Franjo Tudman was analyzed through the above-mentioned aspects, and author gives a review and assessment of its political and constitutional resolving with commentary of current constitutional regulation of this issue. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
The paper deals with modern constitutional legal arrangement of crown succession in European monarchies (Kingdom of Belgium, Kingdom of Denmark, Kingdom of the Netherlands, Kingdom of Norway, Kingdom ...of Spain, Kingdom of Sweden, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; the Principalities of Andorra, Liechtenstein and Monaco were not included in this review as well as the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg). A general historical review and the development review of this institute in Great Britain has been done. This institute is determined by the genealogical tree of ruling monarch family and a series of additional criteria that, in certain countries, are not congruent to standards of discrimination prohibition and citizen equality in a democratic society. Hereditary monarchy is a discriminatory form of governmental reign per se where, in modern democratic society that proclaims equality (of chances), someone is acceded to the throne by a coincidence of birth in a certain family making him directly the head of state. In this sense, any discrimination debate about the institute of monarch succession becomes superfluous. Still, if a hereditary monarchy already exists as a constitutional and political givenness, the question of the justification of constitutional provisions on sex inequality arises regarding priority in succession line, monarch's denomination and other persons' in the succession line, excluding the extramarital children out of the succession line. These constitutional provisions are in sharp contrast to international conventions in question that these countries ratified. "Disputable" constitutional provisions concerning the whole social community imply that universally accepted social values do not have a reflection in the head of state who should personify that national community. Possibilities of constitutional reforms are analysed regarding discriminatory provisions in the succession line of Spain, Great Britain and of the Scandinavian monarchies. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
