U radu se obrađuje 310 hrvatskih prezimena u Crnoj Gori u područjima gdje su Hrvati autohtono stanovništvo (Boka kotorska, Spič, Bar s okolicom i Šestani). U prvome se dijelu rada donose ...dijalektološki podatci, pri čemu se ističe neuključenost govora istočno od Boke kotorske u hrvatska dijalektološka istraživanja te činjenica da su govori na širemu barskom području jedini dio hrvatskoga neprekinutog jezičnog područja koji izravno graniči s albanskim. Zatim se naznačuje razvoj antroponimijske formule na koju su uvelike utjecale različite povijesne prilike (ponajprije osmanlijska osvajanja, ali i razgraničenje u današnjoj Crnoj Gori nakon povlačenja Osmanlija iz tih krajeva). Prezimena se u središnjemu dijelu rada dijele s obzirom na motivaciju i jezično postanje. Ujedno ih se uspoređuje s prezimenima koja nose pripadnici ostalih na roda (pripadnici drugih južnoslavenskih naroda i Albanci) koji nastanjuju navedeno područje.
U radu se analizira slika Antona Karingera iz 1862. koja prikazuje ispraćaj tijela crnogorskog kneza Danila I., ubijenog u atentatu 1860. godine, iz Kotora u Cetinje. Sadržaj slike, njezini ...protagonisti i njihove funkcije tumače se u kontekstu političkih odnosa Austrijskog Carstva i Crne Gore u doba Danila I. Likovna struktura slike predstavljena je kao izraz onovremenih reformi historijskog i pejzažnog slikarstva.
U radu se obrađuje 310 hrvatskih prezimena u Crnoj Gori u područjima gdje su Hrvati autohtono stanovništvo (Boka kotorska, Spič, Bar s okolicom i Šestani). U prvome se dijelu rada donose ...dijalektološki podatci, pri čemu se ističe neuključenost govora istočno od Boke kotorske u hrvatska dijalektološka istraživanja te činjenica da su govori na širemu barskom području jedini dio hrvatskoga neprekinutog jezičnog područja koji izravno graniči s albanskim. Zatim se naznačuje razvoj antroponimijske formule na koju su uvelike utjecale različite povijesne prilike (ponajprije osmanlijska osvajanja, ali i razgraničenje u današnjoj Crnoj Gori nakon povlačenja Osmanlija iz tih krajeva). Prezimena se u središnjemu dijelu rada dijele s obzirom na motivaciju i jezično postanje. Ujedno ih se uspoređuje s prezimenima koja nose pripadnici ostalih naroda (pripadnici drugih južnoslavenskih naroda i Albanci) koji nastanjuju navedeno područje.
The paper analyses the attitude of communist authorities in Montenegro towards the Montenegrin metropolitan and one of the most important South Slavic writers of the 19th century, Petar II Petrović ...Njegoš. His work, primarily the book Gorski vijenac, is said to be the cornerstone of Montenegrin spirituality. Unlike other writers of that period, the Communist Party could not dismiss Njegoš’s work. On the contrary, the work of the poet was interpreted in a new way by the Party, which used it in its efforts to build a new socialist society. Through the analysis of archival material, periodicals, and other sources, the author explains the new relationship of communist authorities towards the works of Petar II Petrović Njegoš. A special focus is placed on two events, the centenary of the publication of Gorski vijenac in 1947, and the centenary of Njegoš’s death in 1951, when the intentions of the Communist authorities to recognize and point out that the literary opus of Njegoš fits into a new, ideological context of a socialist state became clear.
Prije Prvog svjetskog rata u Crnoj Gori je bila dominantna Herbartova paradigma pedagogije. Međutim, tamošnje prosvjetne vlasti su bile u određenoj mjeri tolerantne prema nastavnicima koji se toga u ...praksi nisu u potpunosti pridržavali. Do njih su u to doba počeli dopirati raznovrsni novi pedagoški koncepti iz Europe i šire, što je još više dobilo na intenzitetu ulaskom Crne Gore u sustav Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Ipak, ideje reformskih pedagoških pokreta u Crnoj Gori između Dva svjetska rata nisu našle svoju primjenu, iako su stjecale sve veću afirmaciju u stručnoj javnosti. Tadašnja pedagoška znanstvena misao bila je nedovoljno razvijena, a obrazovna politika se nije razvijala samostalno i neovisno od ostatka zajedničke države, kao i kasnije u vrijeme SFR Jugoslavije i dominantne socijalističke pedagogije. Raspadom zajedničke države pojavio se brisani prostor koji je u Crnoj Gori omogućio obnavljanje i osvijestio potrebu za preispitivanje i otvorenost za dotada drugačije pedagoške koncepte, nove i stare nedovoljno istražene. Poslednjih par desetljeća postoje pokušaji provedbe određenih ideja i koncepata iz okvira reformske pedagogije, kao što su najčešće ideje Marie Montessori u predškolskim ustanovama. Praktično se najčešće reafirmacija pojedinih ideja reformske pedagogije predstavlja kao alternativa prethodnim paradigmama obrazovanja. Skoro da nema privatnih inicijativa i škola koje bi imale obilježja altenativnog pedagoškog koncepta. Ipak, kao alternativa „staroj školi“ realiziraju se brojni projekti, odnosno programi stručnog usavršavanja nastavnika i druge aktivnosti koje imaju za cilj unaprjeđivanje nastave i učenja u školama, kao što su Aktivno učenje – primjena metoda aktivne nastave/učenja, Korak po korak, Čitanje i pisanje za kritičko mišljenje, itd. Navedene aktivnosti i pojedine ideje reformske pedagogije su sve više prisutne i u službenim dokumentima strategije obrazovne politike Crne Gore. Međutim, u tim dokumentima moguće je pronaći i ne razumijevanja i problematične interpretacije, što se odražava i na programe za provedbe ideja reformske pedagogije i suvremenih alternativnih pedagoških koncepata.
Arhitekt Bruno Milić (1917.-2009.) projektirao je jednu od prvih višestambenih zgrada u Nikšiću - zgradu Meander 1958. godine. Izgrađena u stilu moderne s izrazitim poštovanjem prema kontekstu, ...zgrada Meander ima karakterističnu formu koja je jedinstvena ne samo u Crnoj Gori već i na području bivše Jugoslavije, ali i izvan nje. Tradicionalni elementi gradske arhitekture u Nikšiću predstavljeni su na nov način a da se njezin identitet nije narušio.
Architect Bruno Milić (1917-2009) designed one of the first multi-apartment high-rise building in the city of Nikšić, the Meander Building, in 1958. Built in a modernist manner with a strong respect for the context, the Meander Building has a characteristic shape that is unique not only in Montenegro, but also further afield. The traditional elements of Nikšić’s city architecture are presented in a new way in the Meander Building without losing its own identity.
Predstavljeno istraživanje ima dva usko povezana cilja. Prvi, pokazati da je destimulativan zakonski okvir i u tom kontekstu izostanak financijskih poticaja članovima primarni uzrok neuspjeha ...dobrovoljnog mirovinskog osiguranja u Crnoj Gori. Drugi, da se u granicama postavljenog metodološkog okvira potvrdi da financijski poticaji predstavljaju jedan od bitnih faktora utjecaja na uspjeh sustava dobrovoljnog mirovinskog osiguranja. Istraživanje je postavljeno na način da iskoristi dvije ključne okolnosti: da Crna Gora predstavlja vrlo rijedak primjer zemlje u kojoj ne postoje financijski poticaji članovima, te da su pokazatelji ostalih ključnih faktora utjecaja na uspjeh dobrovoljnih mirovinskih fondova u Crnoj Gori i zemljama bivše Jugoslavije koje su predmet poredbene analize približno istih vrijednosti. Zahvaljujući tomu, autori su istraživanjem uspjeli izdvojiti snažno negativno djelovanje izostanka financijskih poticaja na poslovanje dobrovoljnih mirovinskih fondova u Crnoj Gori. Time su u bitnome potvrđene početne hipoteze o uzroku neuspjeha crnogorskog sustava, te značaju financijskih poticaja za razvoj dobrovoljnog mirovinskog osiguranja.
The ecumenical initiative of the Catholic Church was one of the main outcomes of the Second Vatican Council. Ecumenism aimed for the unification of Christian churches, partnership with other ...religious communities, and a conciliatory relationship with the socialist regime. In this period, the traditional tolerance between religious communities was practised and the Church established relatively good relations with the government of Montenegro. This is why the Catholic Church in Montenegro embraced ecumenism, which was expressed through the work of the Archdiocese of Bar and the Diocese of Kotor. The Archbishop of Bar, Aleksandar Tokić, and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Kotor, Gracija Ivanović, made a personal contribution to this initiative. They established close ties with the Orthodox Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Danilo Dajković, and the President of the Islamic Community (IC) in Montenegro, Šukrija Bakalović. They succeeded in engaging the Orthodox and Islamic leaders in Catholic religious celebrations, while the Catholic priests attended the religious celebrations of the Orthodox and the Muslims. The Montenegrin authorities had their representatives participate in these ceremonies too. This was all prompted by Catholic ecumenism, while the ecumenical strivings of the Catholic Church in Montenegro were also encouraged by the Vatican, i.e. the highest representatives of the Holy See and Pope Paul VI.The ecumenism of the Catholic Church in Montenegro had special features. It was of pro-Yugoslav orientation. It respected the religious, national, and traditional characteristics of Montenegro, and aimed for a partnership with the socialist regime. Archbishop Tokić and Administrator Ivanović also felt a strong attachment to Montenegro and Yugoslavia, and therefore cultivated a genuine friendship with the Orthodox and the Muslim population. Despite the sincere efforts and initial enthusiasm, their ecumenism failed because the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in Montenegro did not accept such politics of the Catholic Church. The SOC was willing to maintain good relations and promote the traditional inter-religious tolerance, but no more than that, because it thought that the Catholic Church’s ecumenism was just a new attempt to impose its dominance. This ecumenism failed to achieve unity or the unification of Christians and churches, though it did succeed in strengthening and expanding interfaith cooperation and dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox Christians in Montenegro. Therefore, this policy can only be conditionally called ‘ecumenical’. The Islamic Community accepted a call to strengthen inter-religious dialogue, but it also produced limited results. It was based solely on the contacts between the religious leaders.
The majority of Croats in Montenegro are the native population traditionally living in the Bay of Kotor, the town of Budva and Bar and its surroundings. A minority of them are immigrants or their ...descendants. As early as during the Austro–Hungarian rule over the Montenegrin coast, and especially during the Yugoslav period, they inhabited the area of today’s Montenegro, mostly its inland towns. This paper primarily aims to present and analyse the size of the Croatian population in Montenegro in general and at the level of its administrative units. To do so, it uses data from the censuses conducted from 1948 to 2011, which recorded national affiliation, among other things. In the context of those censuses, one can argue that, during their conduct, it was possible to declare oneself as a Croat, and that a major share of the population avoided declaring themselves as such although they could, based on their ethnic characteristics.Accordingly, the second aim of the paper was to attempt to determine, in the context of the 2011 census, which is a source of plenty of relevant data, not only the number of declared Croats but also those who were undeclared as such, but could certainly be considered to belong to the same linguistic, religious and cultural community as Croats. For this paper, that wider unit was termed the Slavic Catholic community (Slavic–Catholic), which is already recognised in language as the Central South Slavic area (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro), among other things as a certain “opposite” of the Slavic–Orthodox and Slavic–Muslim communities of the same spatial scope. To better understand the position of Croats in Montenegro, and especially their reluctance to declare Croatian national affiliation, which is more and more evident over time, an integral part of the paper is an appropriate presentation of historical circumstances that have framed their past and present identity positioning.The first data on the presence of Croats in today’s Montenegrin area refers to the period of Slavic settlement of South-east Europe, which took place until the beginning of the 7th century. According to the work of the Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (945–959), “On the Governance of the Empire”, during their settlement, Croats occupied the former Roman province of Dalmatia (which, according to the author, “started from the surroundings of Durrës and Bar and stretched to the Istrian mountains and to the river Danube in width”), as well as Pannonia and Illyricum. According to the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, probably written by the (Arch)Bishop of Bar Gregory in the period 1177–1189, upon settlement the Slavs had founded a state, the backbone of which was on the coast, between Istria and today’s northern Albania. According to the Chronicle, that coastal belt was divided into White and Red Croatia, which stretched from Duvanjsko Polje further south. Besides, Byzantine 11th- and 12th-century writers mention Croats and Croatia in the context of the area of today’s Montenegro.However, from the beginning of the 9th century, that is, the point in time from which one can continuously follow the political development in the Adriatic–Dinaric belt, or the area of the former Roman Dalmatia, it is certain that four smaller Slavic principalities existed between the rivers Cetina and Bojana: Neretva, Zahumlje, Travunia and Duklja. In the mid 11th century, Duklja, Travunia and Zahumlje were united into a state at the initiative of the rulers of Duklja. The expanded state of Duklja, ruled by the Vojislavljević dynasty, gained international acknowledgement since the papacy recognised it as a separate kingdom and a strong lever for maintaining its own identity, manifested in the existence of a state religious centre in the form of the Catholic metropolis of Bar. Such circumstances could have suggested the emergence of a much wider state unit, located approximately between the rivers Neretva and Drim on the one side and the Adriatic and the river Tara on the other, which would have implied the formation of an ethnic body.However, events unfolded in a different direction. Since the mid 12th century the state of Duklja had been losing ever more power, completely falling under the ruler of neighbouring Orthodox Serbia at the end of the same century. During that time the Schism of 1054 acquired full significance. The 1204 establishment of the Latin Empire, with its seat in Constantinople, led to a strong polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy. In such conditions, upon establishment of its own church in 1219, the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić began to carry out mass Orthodoxisation of the Zahumlje and Duklja areas to ensure their loyalty. Primarily exposed to religious conversion were Slavic Catholic people, who, at that time, shared many similarities with the neighbouring Orthodox in the entire area of the Adriatic–Dinaric belt in terms of external manifestations of their Christian identity, significantly marked by the tradition of Cyril and Methodius. Coastal, communal centres in the area of today’s Montenegro, Kotor, Budva and Bar, at the time still largely Romanesque, but eventually Slavicised, and their “belonging” or gravitating Slavic population, as well as the Albanian population located next to gradually Albanianised Ulcinj, along the river Bojana and in Malesia, were left Catholics.The territorial relations between Catholics and Orthodox established at the time have largely remained relevant until modern times. In the area of today’s Montenegro, the Slavic Catholic population was in principle reduced to a distinct minority concentrated in and around the coastal communes. As the Serbian state weakened from the mid 14th century, those communes gradually merged with the western states, and ultimately with the Venetian Republic. They remained under its rule until the end of the 18th century. After that, they were mainly part of the Austrian Kingdom of Dalmatia until 1918. Under those conditions, sharing the social climate with the population of the eastern Adriatic coast, who spoke the same language and shared the same religion, from the mid 19th century the Slavic Catholic population of today’s Montenegrin coast became involved in the processes leading to the constitution of the Croatian nation.The political and social development of the Orthodox population in Montenegro took a different course. By integrating into the de facto Serbian Orthodox Church, they began acquiring Serbian ethnic characteristics. However, given the disintegration of the Serbian state on a part of today’s Montenegrin territory, a new state emerged in the form of Zeta, centred in sub-Lovćen Montenegro and ruled by the Balšić dynasty and the Crnojević dynasty. During the Ottoman rule, which began in the late 15th century, sub-Lovćen Montenegro retained a certain autonomy, which became the basis for the formation of the Montenegrin state close to its current borders in the late 17th century. While the Montenegrin population “remained” in the identity sphere of proto-national Serbs due to Orthodoxy, imbued with the cult of the Nemanjić dynasty, its peculiar development enabled them to acquire own ethnic consciousness. The dichotomy between the Montenegrin and Serbian sense of identity has not been overcome to this day, which is becoming increasingly clear in the division of the Orthodox population between the national Montenegrins and the national Serbs.With the disintegration of Austro–Hungary and the emergence of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, that is, Yugoslavia, the Slavic Catholic population in the area of today’s Montenegro found itself permanently separated from the political, or at least administrative framework defined by the Catholic majority, after almost five hundred years. Instead, it became a distinct minority group in an environment that was continuously exposed to strong Serbian influences, even after Montenegro gained independence. Over time, following the processes of migration towards the coast, it also became a minority in settlements where it once represented the only or majority population. Under those conditions, strongly marked by latent or real contradictions in the relations between Croats and Serbs and often radical manifestations of Serbian identity in their environment, for the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro, the declaration of Croatian identity became a kind of burden that not everyone was ready or able to bear. In that context, among other things, it is worth looking at the data presented, which points to a decline in the share of Croats in Montenegro. Equally, attention should be paid to the data from the 2011 census, which indicates a kind of mass declaration of “alternative” forms of ethnicity on the part of the Slavic–Catholic population.According to the first census, the one of 1921, which covered the population of all parts of today’s Montenegro, 313,432 inhabitants lived on its soil, of which between 11,380 and 12,145 were Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community. According to that census, which took no account of the national determinant, but recorded the religious and linguistic ones, the share of members of that community in the total population inhabiting the area of today’s Montenegro was between 3.6% and 3.9%. The censuses after 1945, which, as pointed out, covered the national determinant and were conducted in socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991), Federal Republic of Yugoslavia / the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (1991–2006) and in independent Montenegro (since 2006) recorded the following shares of Croats in Montenegro: 6,808 (in 1948), 9,814 (in 1953), 10,664 (in 1961), 9,192 (in 1971), 6,904 (in 1981), 6,244 (in 1991), 6,811 (in 2003), and 6,021 (in 2011).It is evident from the first censuses that part of the Slavic–Catholics in Montenegro did not declare themselves as Croats. This is primarily the case in Bar and its surroundin
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