Samuel i Eugen (Jenö) odnosno Tasilo Festetić bili su vlasnici dva velika imanja na području današnje Hrvatske do 1919 godine. Samuel je imao posjed Bajnski dvori kod varaždinskog Ivanca, a Eugen i ...Tasilo bili su vlasnici najvećeg dijela Međimurja s ratarskom površinom od 27.000 jutara i još dosta zemlje koju su davali u zakup. Oba posjeda, kako prvi u Hrvatskom Zagorju, tako i drugi u Međimurju koje je do 1918 potpadalo pod uži teritorij Mađarske, bili su do 1918. izvrsno vođeni i kao takovi postali su poželjni mnogima. Pod prividom provođenja agrarne reforme započeta je 1919. podjela zemlje i prodaja drva, a isticanje da se agrarna reforma provoti u interesu naroda često je bila samo maska pod kojim se je pljačkao narod.kroz kreditiranje odnosno zaduživanje. Nakon usitnjavanja Festetićevog posjeda nije od ranijeg posjeda ostalo ništa osim dvoraca, a u Bajnskim dvorima niti to jer su prilikom upada u dvorac pljačkaši Bajnske dvore i zapalili, te je time izostala mogućnost obnavljanja rada na posjedu. A sve je to činjeno po zakonskim uredbama i uz uključivanje više političkih faktora od koih su korist izvukli i Pribićevićevi demokrati i neki Radićevci, ali ponajviše banke koje su upravljale ovim poslovima. Festetićevi kao strani državljani, austrijski i mađarski našli su se na udaru srpskih vlasti koje su kao prvi cilj u novoj državi nastojale eliminirati plemstvo koje je u prošlosti bilo nosilac hrvatske državnosti. Oba posjeda su izgubila značaj feuda, ali je Stjepan Radić promatrao Hrvatsko Zagorje i njegove plemićke posjede kao područje gdje su seljaci bili najskloniji prihvatu Hrvatske kao republike poistovjećujući time svoj interes s Radićevim republikanstvom do 1925 godine. No u sukobu s beogradskim režimom prevladao je postupak vlasti, koja je malo pomalo kršila republikanstvo u korist Karađorđevićeve monarhije raznim sredstvima, ne libeći se koristiti sva sredstva i lukavstva. Povezani ovim zajedničkim interesom za republiku seljaci Varaždinske županije i Međimurje bili od 1920. do 1927. najvjerniji glasači Stjepana Radića. Međutim Radićevo priznanje Vidovdanskog ustava i Karađorđevićeve monarhije djelovalo je na seljaštvo i umanjilo njihovu privrženost Hrvatskoj seljačkoj stranci premda ta privrženost nije nestala samo je bila potisnuta. Građe o Festetićevim posjedima u Hrvatskoj je vrlo malo, a da li ima negdje drugdje građe nije istraženo, pa se u ovom radu pokušava na osnovu nekoliko pronađenih dokumenata opisati raspad ovih posjeda koje su držali Mađari, koji su bili izloženi politici dr. Pere Magdića, dr. Ivana Novaka i dr. Hinka Krizmana kao demokrata, ali i Hrvatskoj seljačkoj stranci koja je bila novčano a možda i stručno preslaba da provede ideje svog predsjednika i ideologa Stjepana Radića.
Using archival materials never previously accessible to Western scholars, Michael David-Fox analyzes Bolshevik Party educational and research initiatives in higher learning after 1917. His fresh ...consideration of the era of the New Economic Policy and cultural politics after the Revolution explains how new communist institutions rose to parallel and rival conventional higher learning from the Academy of Sciences to the universities. Beginning with the creation of the first party school by intellectuals on the island of Capri in 1909, David-Fox argues, the Bolshevik cultural project was tightly linked to party educational institutions. He provides the first account of the early history and politics of three major institutions founded after the Revolution: Sverdlov Communist University, where the quest to transform everyday life gripped the student movement; the Institute of Red Professors, where the Bolsheviks sought to train a new communist intellectual or red specialist; and the Communist Academy, headquarters for a planned, collectivist, proletarian science.
When Paris Sizzled vividly portrays the City of Light during the fabulous 1920s, when art and architecture, music, literature, fashion, entertainment, transportation, and behavior all took ...dramatically new forms. Through rich illustrations and evocative narrative, Mary McAuliffe brings this vibrant era to life.
After the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, Austria transformed itself from an empire to a small Central European country. Formerly an important player in international affairs, the new ...republic was quickly sidelined by the European concert of powers. The enormous losses of territory and population in Austria’s post-Habsburg state of existence, however, did not result in a political, economic, cultural, and intellectual black hole. The essays in the twentieth anniversary volume of Contemporary Austrian Studies argue that the small Austrian nation found its place in the global arena of the twentieth century and made a mark both on Europe and the world. Be it Freudian psychoanalysis, the “fin-de-siècle” Vienna culture of modernism, Austro-Marxist thought, or the Austrian School of Economics, Austrian hinkers and ideas were still wielding a notable impact on the world. Alongside these cultural and intellectual dimensions, Vienna remained the Austrian capital and reasserted its strong position in Central European and international business and finance. Innovative Austrian companies are operating all over the globe. This volume also examines how the globalizing world of the twentieth century has impacted Austrian demography, society, and political life. Austria’s place in the contemporary world is increasingly determined by the forces of the European integration process. European Union membership brings about convergence and a regional orientation with ramifications for Austria’s global role. Austria emerges in the essays of this volume as a highly globalized country with an economy, society, and political culture deeply grounded in Europe. The globalization of Austria, it appears, turns out to be in many instances an “Europeanization.”
Using archival materials never previously accessible to Western scholars, Michael David-Fox analyzes Bolshevik Party educational and research initiatives in higher learning after 1917. His fresh ...consideration of the era of the New Economic Policy and cultural politics after the Revolution explains how new communist institutions rose to parallel and rival conventional higher learning from the Academy of Sciences to the universities. Beginning with the creation of the first party school by intellectuals on the island of Capri in 1909, David-Fox argues, the Bolshevik cultural project was tightly linked to party educational institutions. He provides the first account of the early history and politics of three major institutions founded after the Revolution: Sverdlov Communist University, where the quest to transform everyday life gripped the student movement; the Institute of Red Professors, where the Bolsheviks sought to train a new communist intellectual or red specialist; and the Communist Academy, headquarters for a planned, collectivist, proletarian science.
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 35-58- streszcz. ...pol., ang.- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
All attempts to define American institutionalism, whether in terms of a set of key methodological or theoretical principles or in terms of the contributions of the three generally accepted “founding” ...figures of Thorstein Veblen, Wesley Mitchell, and John R. Commons, have run into a problem with the apparent disparities within the movement. In terms of the three “founders” there are obvious and quite dramatic differences between the methodologies and theoretical directions of the three men. Veblen is associated with an evolutionary approach, a key distinction between pecuniary institutions and technological or industrial requirements, and a biting critique of orthodox theory and business practices; Mitchell with quantitative methods and detailed research on business cycles, an approach he established at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER); Commons with documentary histories, work on labor issues and public utility regulation, and an analytical scheme emphasizing the evolution of legal institutions and processes of dispute resolution. The same problem shows up with more explicit types of definition that often seem to capture only some parts or aspects of the movement and not others, or are so broad as to lack much specific content. Institutionalism easily appears as incoherent, as little more than a set of individual research programs with nothing in common other than a questioning of more orthodox theory and method. Thus, Mark Blaug has stated that institutionalism “was never more than a tenuous inclination to dissent from orthodox economics” (Blaug 1978, p. 712), and George Stigler has claimed that institutionalism had “no positive agenda of research,” “no set of problems or new methods,” nothing but “a stance of hostility to the standard theoretical tradition” (quoted in Kitch 1983, p. 170). This view still finds wide currency— for example Oliver Williamson has recently argued that “unable or unwilling to offer a rival research agenda, the older institutional economics was given over to methodological objections to orthodoxy” (Williamson 1998b, p. 24; see also 1998a).
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- Zugl.: Bonn, Univ., Diss., 1999- München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 2001.5964- All metadata published by Europeana are ...available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- Zugl.: Marburg, Univ., Diss., 1969- München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Z 58.101,I-25- All metadata published by Europeana are ...available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
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