When American occupiers broke up the Japanese empire in the wake of World War II, approximately 1.7 million people departed Japan for various parts of Northeast Asia. The mass exodus was spearheaded ...by Koreans, many of whom chartered small fishing vessels to ship them back quickly to their liberated homeland, while wartime devastation hampered the return of Okinawans to their archipelago. By the time the officially endorsed repatriation program was inaugurated, however, increasing numbers of people began escaping US military rule in southern Korea and the Ryukyu Islands by smuggling themselves into occupied Japan.
How and why did these migrants move across borderlines newly drawn by American occupiers in the region? Their personal stories reveal what liberation and defeat meant to displaced peoples, and how the compounding challenges of their resettlement led to the expansion of smuggling networks. The consequent surge of unauthorized border-crossings spurred occupation authorities into forging exclusionary migration regulations. Through a comparative study of Korean and Okinawan experiences during the postwar occupation era, Matthew Augustine explores how their migrations shaped, and were in turn shaped by, American policies throughout the region.
This is the first comprehensive study of the dynamic and often contentious relationship between migrations and border controls in US-occupied Japan, Korea, and the Ryukyus, examining the American interlude in Northeast Asia as a closely integrated, regional history. The extent of cooperation and coordination among American occupiers, as well as their competing jurisdictions and interests, determined the mixed outcome of using repatriation and deportation as expedient tools for dismantling the Japanese empire. The heightening Cold War and deepening collaboration between the occupiers and local authorities coproduced stringent migration laws, generating new problems of how to distinguish South Koreans from North Koreans and “Ryukyuans” from Japanese. In occupied Japan, fears of communist infiltration and subversion merged with deep-seated discrimination, transforming erstwhile colonial subjects into “aliens” and “illegal aliens.” This transregional history explains the process by which Northeast Asia and its respective populations were remade between the fall of the Japanese empire and the rise of American hegemony.
Drawing on multi-archival research in Korean, Russian and English, this book looks at the complexity and changes in Stalin's policy toward Korea for answers about the division of Korea in 1945 and ...the failure of reunification between 1945 and 1948. Lee argues that the trusteeship decision is key to the division's origins and permanency.
The liberation period in Korea was when creative imagination and various debates existed about plans for political, economic, and social systems. Among them was the debate over the national health ...security underlying the social safety net. Although the US influenced the Korean health security after liberation, major political groups on the Korean peninsula also expressed various opinions. However, previous studies have shown little interest in national health security, which operates the public health and medical care systems. To overcome these limitations, this study focuses on the ideas on national health security presented by major political groups, analyzing the reply proposal of “Jŏnpyŏng” and the health care proposal of the US military government, which has not been reviewed before. The opinions of major political groups including the right-wing Im-hyŏp and left-wing Min-chŏn diverged on national health security issue regarding insurance coverage, measures to secure financial resources, items of insurance benefits, and measures to stabilize the supply and demand of medical personnel. The claims of the US military government can be understood by “Labor Problems and Policies in Korea (Korean Subcommittee),” “Korean Labor Report (Stewart Meacham),” and “Proposed Political Platform Provisional Korean Democratic Government (Sub-commission #2).” The major political groups and the US military government agreed on the need for social protection against death, old age, disability, disease, injury, and unemployment. All of them claimed national health security, in which the roles of the private sector and the government were mixed, should be gradually introduced. The major political groups, in particular, proposed to (1) set workers as beneficiaries of insurance, (2) share financial resources jointly among the state, employers, and workers, and (3) promote the expansion of the number of doctors and medical institutions and prefer cooperative operations of the hospitals established in small administrative units. This paper argues that the ideas on national health security during the liberation period did not completely deviate from the global trend immediately after World War II when countries tried to expand the number of people covered by national health security and strengthen its coverage. Although these ideas were not fully reflected in the Constitution of 1948, it is significant in that the Constitution codified for the first time the state’s responsibility for those who have no ability for living due to their health conditions.
Herausgegeben im Auftrag des Instituts für Zeitgeschichte München-Berlin von Manfred Kittel und Udo Wengst. Die Reihe setzt die seit 1984 herausgegebenen "Biographischen Quellen zur deutschen ...Geschichte nach 1945" fort. In ihr erscheinen seit 1996 biographische Quellentexte aus dem gesamten Bereich der Zeitgeschichte.
Marshallplan und Währungsreform galten bisher als die wichtigsten Voraussetzungen des deutschen "Wirtschaftswunders" der Nachkriegszeit. Die Jahre vor der Währungsreform wurden dagegen allzu pauschal ...als Periode des wirtschaftlichen Zusammenbruchs und der absoluten Stagnation gewertet. Tatsächlich hatte die westdeutsche Wirtschaft jedoch schon vor dem Juni 1948 wieder den Anschluss an ihren langfristigen Wachstumstrend gefunden. Wie Werner Abelshauser in seiner Studie über Rekonstruktion und Wachstumsbedingungen der Wirtschaft in der amerikanischen und britischen Zone nachweist, bildete die Substanz der verfügbaren Produktionsfaktoren aufgrund der Investitionen vor 1945 die Grundlage des späteren Wirtschaftswachstums. Die Ursachen für das Scheitern des ersten Anlaufs zur Wiederaufnahme der Industrieproduktion im Winter 1946/47 lagen auch nicht wie bisher meist angenommen wurde, in erster Linie in Eingriffen der Besatzungsmächte, in den Schwächen der Grundstoffindustrie oder in der Nahrungsmittelversorgung. Die Hauptschwierigkeit lag vielmehr darin, dass es nicht gelang, die zerstörte Infrastruktur der deutschen Wirtschaft im gleichen Tempo wieder herzustellen, in dem der Vorkriegsstand der industriellen Produktion wieder erreicht wurde. Erst im Herbst 1947 wurde das Transportsystem der Bizone den wachsenden Anforderungen des erneut einsetzenden Produktionsanstiegs gerecht. Am 20. Juni 1948, dem Tag der Währungsreform, war die westdeutsche Wirtschaft schon in vollem Gange.
In der Übergangsphase zwischen dem klassischen internationalen Mächtesystem und einem zukunftweisenden kollektiven Sicherheitssystem blieb für die deutsche Frage keine andere Lösung als die Teilung. ...Der Alliierte Kontrollrat, das Symbol der friedensstiftenden Kooperationsfähigkeit der Vereinten Nationen, verwaltete Deutschland auf der Grundlage des kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenners. Deutschlandpolitische Entscheidungen sind im Kontrollrat nicht gefallen. Der Autor: Gunther Mai ist Professor für Neuere und Zeitgeschichte an der Pädagogischen Hochschule in Erfurt.
Od 1949 w połączeniu z: "Przegląd Międzynarodowy: dwutygodnik" utworzył "Świat i Polska : przegląd międzynarodowy"
R.3 (1948) podtyt.: tygodnik poświęcony zagadnieniom międzynarodowym
Od 1949 w ...połączeniu z: "Przegląd Międzynarodowy: dwutygodnik" utworzył "Świat i Polska : przegląd międzynarodowy"
R.3 (1948) podtyt.: tygodnik poświęcony zagadnieniom międzynarodowym
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