Helen James considers security in Myanmar/Burma. She uses the ideas put forward in the United Nations Development Programme's 1994 report, of human, as opposed to state and security, going on to ...argue that freedom from want, and freedom from fear (of the regime) are in fact mutually supportive ideas, and that the security of the people and the security of the state are in fact in a symbiotic relationship with each other. Presenting new and significant information of the security concept of Myanmar/Burma, James’ original work considers economic development, health, education, environmental issues, the drugs trade, human rights, minority peoples and political, social and economic reforms, arguing that improved governance, the development of civil society and economic development would both strengthen the state and ensure the security and well-being of its citizens.
“South America is not the poorest continent in the world, but it may very well be the most unjust.” This statement by Ricardo Lagos, then president of Chile, at the Summit of the Americas in January ...2004 captures nicely the dilemma that faces Latin American countries in the wake of the transition to democracy that swept across the continent in the last two decades of the twentieth century. While political rights are now available to citizens at unprecedented levels, social and economic rights lag far behind, and the fledgling democracies struggle with long legacies of poverty, inequality, and corruption. Key to understanding what is happening in Latin America today is the relationship between the state and civil society. In this ambitious book, Philip Oxhorn sets forth a theory of civil society adequate for explaining current developments in a way that such controversial neoconservative theories as Francis Fukuyama’s liberal triumphalism or Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” cannot. Inspired by the rich political sociology of an earlier era and the classic work of T. H. Marshall on citizenship, Oxhorn studies the process by which social groups are incorporated, or not, into national socioeconomic and political development through an approach that focuses on the “social construction of citizenship.”
The condensed social change and complex social order governing South Koreans’ life cannot be satisfactorily delineated by relying on West-derived social theories or culturalist arguments. Nor can ...various globally eye-catching traits of this society in industrial work, education, popular culture, and a host of other areas be analyzed without developing innovative conceptual tools and theoretical frameworks designed to tackle the South Korean uniqueness directly.
This book provides a fascinating account of South Korean society and its contemporary transformation. Focusing on the family as the most crucial micro foundation of South Korea’s economic, social, and political life, Chang demonstrates a shrewd insight into the ways in which family relations and family based interests shape the structural and institutional changes ongoing in South Korea today. While the excessive educational pursuit, family-exploitative welfare, gender-biased industrialization, virtual demise of peasantry, and familial industrial governance in this society have been frequently discussed by local and international scholarship, the author innovatively explicates these remarkable trends from an integrative theoretical perspective of compressed modernity. The family-centered social order and everyday life in South Korea are analyzed as components and consequences of compressed modernity.
South Korea under Compressed Modernity is an essential read for anyone studying Contemporary Korea or the development of East Asian societies more generally.
1.Compressed Modernity and Its Familial Basis 2. Accidental Pluralism 3. The Social Investment Family and Educational Politics 4. The Nuclear Family and Welfare Politics 5. Women’s Labor and Gendered Industrialization 6. The Peasant Family and Rural-Urban Relations 7. Chaebol : the Logic of Familial Capitalism 8. Politics of Defamiliation 9. The Sustainability Crisis of Familial Modernity
Chang Kyung-Sup, a Ph.D. from Brown University, is Professor of Sociology and Director of the Institute for Social Development and Policy Research, both at Seoul National University.
This book is the first political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi covering both her years in opposition and all her years in power from 2016 onwards. It offers a new interpretation of Aung San Suu Kyi ...by presenting a balanced and thorough account of Suu Kyi’s policies. In the last 30 years there has not been a person in global politics who has risen so high and fallen so low – and so quickly – as Aung San Suu Kyi. Using postcolonial theory and introducing the new concept of `a hybrid politician', this book explains apparent inconsistencies of Suu Kyi’s agenda. It demonstrates that Suu Kyi considers herself a democrat and yet, rules autocratically. Immersed in her country’s tradition of policymaking, she has at the same time been influenced by foreign concepts, both Western and Asian. Drawing on first-hand research, including talks with Suu Kyi, conversations with her supporters and rivals, observations of Suu Kyi’s behaviour during intergovernmental talks as well as an extensive number of sources and fieldwork in Myanmar, the author argues that Suu Kyi’s case shows both the strengths and limits of hybridity. This brings Suu Kyi priceless political assets such as visibility, recognition and support while proving that such a model of leadership has its restrictions. A timely biography of the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate as she appears at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of Myanmar politics, Southeast Asian politics, Asian politics, Political Science more generally, Postcolonial Studies, Cultural Studies and Leadership Studies.
Resumo O artigo analisa mecanismos e práticas da negociação coletiva e da extensão de seus resultados no Brasil, e procura sanar lacuna na literatura especializada sobre o tema, que não esteve, até ...aqui, atenta a ele. Prática corriqueira até a reforma decretada pelo regime militar em 1967, a extensão dos acordos coletivos a terceiros, ausentes das negociações, permanece vigente ainda hoje, embora com escopo bastante limitado, nem por isso desimportante. Além da contribuição específica ao debate, o artigo traz também olhar alternativo à literatura convencional sobre negociação coletiva no Brasil, segundo a qual esse mecanismo de solução do conflito de classe teria sido suspenso durante a ditadura de 1964, retornando à cena das relações de trabalho com a emergência do “novo sindicalismo” no fim da década de 1970. E mostra como a Justiça do trabalho “abdicou”, lentamente, de seus poderes na mediação do conflito de interesse entre capital e trabalho, apesar dos muitos instrumentos disponíveis de proteção de direitos difusos e subjetivos, inclusive os direitos humanos.
Resumen El artículo analiza los mecanismos y prácticas de la negociación colectiva y la extensión de sus resultados en Brasil, además de subsanar vacíos en la literatura especializada sobre el tema, que no ha dado hasta ahora atención suficiente a esta cuestión. Práctica común hasta la reforma decretada por el régimen militar en 1967, la extensión de los acuerdos colectivos a terceros, ausentes de las negociaciones, permanece vigente incluso hasta hoy, a pesar de tener un alcance bastante limitado, lo cual no le quita importancia. Además de la contribución específica a este debate, el artículo aporta una lectura alternativa a la literatura convencional sobre negociación colectiva en Brasil, según la cual ese mecanismo de solución del conflicto de clase habría sido suspendido durante la dictadura de 1964, regresando al escenario de las relaciones de trabajo con la emergencia del “nuevo sindicalismo” al final de la década de 1970. También se muestra cómo la Justicia del trabajo “abdicó”, lentamente, sus poderes en la mediación del conflicto de interés entre capital y trabajo, a pesar de los diversos instrumentos disponibles de protección de derechos difusos y subjetivos, inclusive los derechos humanos.
Résumé L’article analyse les mécanismes et les pratiques de la négociation collective et de l’étendue de ses résultats au Brésil, et cherche à combler une lacune dans la littérature spécialisée sur le sujet, qui jusqu’à présent ne s’y est pas intéressée. Pratique courante jusqu’à la réforme décrétée par le régime militaire en 1967, l’extension des conventions collectives aux tiers, absents des négociations, reste en vigueur encore aujourd’hui, bien qu’avec une portée très limitée, non sans importance. En plus de la contribution spécifique au débat, l’article apporte également un regard alternatif sur la littérature conventionnelle sur la négociation collective au Brésil, selon laquelle ce mécanisme de résolution du conflit de classe aurait été suspendu pendant la dictature de 1964, revenant à la scène des relations de travail avec l’émergence du « nouveau syndicalisme » à la fin des années 1970. Et il montre comment la Justice du travail a lentement « abdiqué » ses pouvoirs de médiation du conflit d’intérêts entre le capital et le travail, malgré les nombreux instruments disponibles pour le protection des droits diffuses et subjectives, y compris les droits de l’homme.
Abstract The article analyzes the mechanisms and practices of collective bargaining and the extent of its results in Brazil. It seeks to close a gap in the specialized literature, which has not been taken it into account thus far. Common practice until the 1967 reform decreed by the military regime, extending collective agreements to third parties, absent from the bargaining, remains in force today, although with a minimal scope, not insignificant. Besides contributing specifically to the debate, this article also offers an alternative look at Brazil’s conventional literature on collective bargaining – according to which this mechanism to solve class conflict would have been suspended during the 1964 dictatorship, returning to the labor relations scene upon the emergence of the “new unionism” of the late 1970s. Furthermore, it shows how the Labor Court slowly “abdicated” its powers to mediate the conflict of interest between capital and labor, despite the many instruments available to protect diffuse and subjective rights, including human rights.
Oil and the Kurdish Question critiques the conventional narrative of the Iran-Iraq War and the associated Anfal campaign. It also examines how publicists exploited the myth of the Kurdish holocaust ...as justification for America to declare war on Iraq.
Contemporary South Korean society Cho, Hŭi-yŏn; Surendra, Lawrence; Cho, Hyo-je
2013., 2013, 20121112, 2012, 2012-11-12, 20130101, Letnik:
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The growing importance of the Korean economy in the global arena and the spread of the so-called 'Korean wave' in Asia mean there is an increasing desire to understand contemporary Korean Society. To ...this end, this book provides a critical and progressive analysis of the diverse issues that impact on and shape contemporary Korean society at both local and national levels.
The contributors address issues and movements which include:
The state and regime
Human rights
Gender
Civil society and social movements
Culture
Religion
Domestic and migrant labour
Welfare
The chapters in this volume provide a critical perspective on Korean society, and draw upon interdisciplinary research from across the social sciences. With contributions from leading Korean scholars and academics from around the world, this is a welcome addition to the growing field of Korean Studies, and will be of great interest to students and scholars interested in Korean studies, Korean and Asian culture and society, and Asian studies more generally.
Abstract
The midcycle surge of LH sets in motion interconnected networks of signaling cascades to bring about rupture of the follicle and release of the oocyte during ovulation. Many mediators of ...these LH-induced signaling cascades are associated with inflammation, leading to the postulate that ovulation is similar to an inflammatory response. First responders to the LH surge are granulosa and theca cells, which produce steroids, prostaglandins, chemokines, and cytokines, which are also mediators of inflammatory processes. These mediators, in turn, activate both nonimmune ovarian cells as well as resident immune cells within the ovary; additional immune cells are also attracted to the ovary. Collectively, these cells regulate proteolytic pathways to reorganize the follicular stroma, disrupt the granulosa cell basal lamina, and facilitate invasion of vascular endothelial cells. LH-induced mediators initiate cumulus expansion and cumulus oocyte complex detachment, whereas the follicular apex undergoes extensive extracellular matrix remodeling and a loss of the surface epithelium. The remainder of the follicle undergoes rapid angiogenesis and functional differentiation of granulosa and theca cells. Ultimately, these functional and structural changes culminate in follicular rupture and oocyte release. Throughout the ovulatory process, the importance of inflammatory responses is highlighted by the commonalities and similarities between many of these events associated with ovulation and inflammation. However, ovulation includes processes that are distinct from inflammation, such as regulation of steroid action, oocyte maturation, and the eventual release of the oocyte. This review focuses on the commonalities between inflammatory responses and the process of ovulation.