Southeast Asian autocracies of Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam have politicized vague definitions of "fake news" to justify diverse tactics of digital repression.In these countries, what ...constitutes falseness in "fake news" has hardly been clearly articulated. The governments instead focus on the grave threats the dissemination of "fake news" could pose to national security, public disorder or national prestige.As the governments are vested with the power to bend the labelling of "fake news" to their will, they can criminalize those accused of circulating such information to safeguard public interests.There are at least four methods by which the governments have tightened the screws on cyberspace under the banner of curbing "fake news": (i) prosecute Internet users, journalists and dissidents in particular; (ii) pressure Internet Service Providers and social media platforms to block and remove content; (iii) expand and deepen social media monitoring; and (iv) shut down the Internet altogether.All four countries have used "fake news" allegations to penalize critics. Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam are inclined to use such allegations to strong-arm tech companies into removing content at the behest of the governments. Thailand and Vietnam tend to exploit such allegations to beef up online surveillance. Myanmar is the only country that turns to Internet shutdowns.The interplay between the methods of digital repression that exploit the pretext of cracking down on "fake news" and the manipulation of online discourse through the deployment of cyber troops would merit further research and in-depth examination.
Autoritäre Regierungsformen erleben in Osteuropa eine Renaissance, und vielfach knüpfen die heutigen Machthaber an Traditionen und Vorbilder der Zeit zwischen den Weltkriegen an. Denn vom Balkan bis ...zum Baltikum bestanden nach 1918 zwölf selbständige Staaten mit demokratischen Verfassungen, von denen sich zehn in den 1920er und 1930er Jahren in autoritäre Präsidial- oder Königsdikaturen verwandelten. Die im vorliegenden Band versammelten Innenansichten dieser Regime vermitteln nicht nur Einblicke in die teils bis heute relevanten Verhältnisse im Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa der Zwischenkriegszeit, sondern weisen auch interessante Parallelen zur aktuellen Entwicklung autoritärer Regime auf, wie der Herausgeber in seinem Nachwort erläutert. Behandelt werden: Estland - Lettland - Litauen - Polen - Ungarn - Slowakei -Österreich - Rumänien - Bulgarien - Griechenland - Albanien - Jugoslawien - Serbien.
Resumo: Em 1934, no começo do Estado Novo em Portugal, foi proposta a implantação da Escola Nova nas escolas portuguesas. A concepção dessa Escola Nova foi então instrumentalizada para se adaptar a ...um regime autoritário, em processo de consolidação nesse país. Concebia-se, então, uma Escola Nova autoritária. É propósito deste artigo apresentar contextualizadamente a campanha pela Escola Nova divulgada pelo jornal Diário da Manhã, órgão do regime salazarista. A metodologia utilizada foi a de pesquisa e análise documental, tendo como fonte privilegiada os editoriais sobre o tema publicados no Diário da Manhã. É objetivo deste trabalho compreender e elucidar os processos de ressignificação autoritária que as ideias da Escola Nova tiveram no início do Estado Novo em Portugal.
Although past research suggests authoritarianism may be a uniquely right-wing phenomenon, the present two studies tested the hypothesis that authoritarianism exists in both right-wing and left-wing ...contexts in essentially equal degrees. Across two studies, university (n = 475) and Mechanical Turk (n = 298) participants completed either the RWA (right-wing authoritarianism) scale or a newly developed (and parallel) LWA (left-wing authoritarianism) scale. Participants further completed measurements of ideology and three domain-specific scales: prejudice, dogmatism, and attitude strength. Findings from both studies lend support to an authoritarianism symmetry hypothesis: Significant positive correlations emerged between LWA and measurements of liberalism, prejudice, dogmatism, and attitude strength. These results largely paralleled those correlating RWA with identical conservative-focused measurements, and an overall effect-size measurement showed LWA was similarly related to those constructs (compared to RWA) in both Study 1 and Study 2. Taken together, these studies provide evidence that LWA may be a viable construct in ordinary U.S. samples.
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