U radu se na osnovi izvora, literature i tiska analiziraju napori jugoslavenske diplomacije u cilju ekstradicije bivšega poglavnika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske Ante Pavelića tijekom pedesetih godina ...prošloga stoljeća i reakcije argentinskih državnih organa na te zahtjeve. Posebna pozornost obraća se na političku pozadinu tih reakcija i djelovanje jugoslavenskoga predstavništva u Buenos Airesu.
The former leader of the Independent State of Croatia Ante Pavelić was in Argentina from November 1948. Yugoslav diplomats found out about this in the following months. In the first period they gathered information considering Pavelićʼs whereabouts and susbmitted formal inquiries to the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs. When Pavelićʼs activities became more frequent and more organized, especially with the forming of his government in exile, Yugoslav diplomacy decided to act. In May 1951, the formal extradition was asked. It appears that Argentina never officially replied to the request. The Yugoslav side continued to put pressure on the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which made them change their tactics. Obviously, in agreement with Pavelić himself, they tried to make it appear that he had left Argentina and moved to Uruguay. In order to support this hypothesis, Pavelić made his speeches through Radio Montevideo and in interviews, he insisted that journalists write that he was anywhere but Argentina. Argentine officials also spread rumors that he was in Uruguay in conversations with Yugoslav colleagues. Very soon they saw through this game because it was clear that Pavelić was still in Buenos Aires. In the following years there was a similar game. Yugoslav diplomacy tried to convince Argentine colleagues that Pavelić was in their country and they that he was not. The fall of the Peron regime in 1955, did not change the situation. The Yugoslav side tried to use the animosity that the new government had for its predecessors but with little success. Only in 1957 did the situation change as a result of an assassination attempt on Pavelić. At that point it was clear that he was still in Buenos Aires. Yugoslav diplomacy made another request for his extradition only a few days after the assassination attempt. The pressure that was exerted led Pavelić to go into hiding, first in Argentina after which he fled to Chile and finally to Spain at the end of 1957. Unaware of the fact that Pavelić left Argentina, Yugoslav diplomacy continued to fight for his extradition in the following year. They changed tactics and asked for extradition, according to the Argentine law relating to common criminals. This attempt had a flaw in its design. The death penalty that obviously awaited Pavelić in Yugoslavia was not allowed by Argentine laws. The Yugoslav side put itself in a difficult situation because it could not bring itself to declare that Pavelić would not be sentenced to death after extradition. This urged them to slow down the process even more. Pavelićʼs death in 1959 put an end to this eight year long procedure for his extradition to Yugoslavia.
Debating the End of Yugoslavia Bieber, Florian; Galijas, Armina
2014, 20160513, 2016-05-13, 2016-05-20, 2014-10-28
eBook
Countries rarely disappear off the map. In the 20th century, only a few countries shared this fate with Yugoslavia. The dissolution of Yugoslavia led to the largest war in Europe since 1945, massive ...human rights violations and over 100,000 victims. Debating the End of Yugoslavia is less an attempt to re-write the dissolution of Yugoslavia, or to provide a different narrative, than to take stock and reflect on the scholarship to date. New sources and data offer fresh avenues of research avoiding the passion of the moment that often characterized research published during the wars and provide contemporary perspectives on the dissolution. The book outlines the state of the debate rather than focusing on controversies alone and maps how different scholarly communities have reflected on the dissolution of the country, what arguments remain open in scholarly discourse and highlights new, innovative paths to study the period.
In 1992 Yugoslavia finally succumbed to civil war, collapsing under the pressure of its inherent ethnic tensions. Existing accounts of Yugoslavia's dissolution, however, pay little regard to the ...troubled relationship between the Yugoslav Federation and the European Community (EC) prior to the crisis in the early 1990s, and the instability this created. Here, Branislav Radeljic offers an empirical analysis of the EC's relations with Yugoslavia from the late sixties, when Yugoslavia was under the presidency of Josep Broz Tito, through to the collapse of the Yugoslav federation in 1992, after the rise of Slobodan Milosevi? and the beginning of the Yugoslav Wars. Radeljic explores the economic, political and social elements of these discords, and also places emphasis on the role of Slovenes, Croats and other diasporas - focusing on their capacity to affect policy-making at a Europe-wide level. Radeljic argues convincingly that a lack of direction and inadequate political mechanisms within the EC enabled these non-state actors to take centre-stage, and shows how EC paralysis precipitated a bloody conflict in the Balkan region.
Autori su u radu propitali dosege i ograničenja načela kontinuiteta državljanstva u hrvatskom pravnom poretku od završetka Drugog svjetskog rata pa sve do današnjih dana. U radu su stoga posebno ...analizirane promjene do kojih je došlo neposredno nakon Drugog svjetskog rata te stupanjem na snagu Zakona o hrvatskom državljanstvu 8. listopada 1991. godine. Na temelju provedene analize, autori su pokazali da je načelo kontinuiteta bilo važno načelo državljanskog prava u analiziranim razdobljima. Pored navedenog, autori su ukazali i na bitna ograničenja dosega tog načela.
In the paper the authors questioned significance and limits of the principle of continuity of
citizenship in the Croatian legal order in the period from the aftermath of the Second World War
until nowadays. The authors especially analyzed changes immediately after the Second World
War and after the Croatian Citizenship Act of 1991 entered into force. Based on the analysis, the
authors pointed out that the principle of continuity of citizenship was an important rule that secured
continuity of citizenship corpus during the analized period. On the other hand, the authors also
pointed out important limits of that principle.
This book examines the development of relations between Yugoslavia and the United States following the Tito-Stalin split. A major focus of this study is the planning and execution of U.S. military ...support, in particular the direct supply of military equipment and Yugoslavia's recruitment into Western-aligned military alliances.
This book presents the findings of an international research initiative of over 160 leading historians, social scientists, and jurists that brings together in one volume key evidence presented by all ...sides in the recent Yugoslav conflicts. It represents a direct assault on the proprietary interpretations that nationalist politicians and media have impressed on mass culture in each of the entities of the former Yugoslavia.
U radu se analizira i problematizira proces tranzicije koji je hrvatska upravno-činovnička elita, napose veliki župani, prošla nakon raspada Austro-Ugarske Monarhije. Kao privilegiran dio društva u ...Monarhiji, nakon Prvoga svjetskog rata i ulaska hrvatskih pokrajina u Kraljevstvo SHS (Kraljevinu Jugoslaviju), položaj hrvatske upravne elite radikalno se promijenio. Autorica razmatra društvene
i političke uvjete s kojima se hrvatska upravna elita suočavala od 1918. do sredine 1920-ih godina.
Autor na temelju relevantne literature i objavljenih izvora analizira sličnosti i razlike u politici komunističkih režima u Jugoslaviji i Poljskoj, a s obzirom na sličnosti i razlike u njihovim ...socijalističkim sustavima i međunarodnom položaju u određenim povijesnim razdobljima. Naime, iako su obje zemlje nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata uspostavile sovjetski tip državnog socijalizma, Jugoslavija je 1948. raskinula savez sa sovjetskim komunističkim blokom te uspostavila poseban oblik socijalističkog uređenja, koji je s vremenom nazvan samoupravni socijalizam. S druge strane Poljska je ostala pod čvrstim nadzorom sovjetskoga komunističkog režima, sve do njegova pada. Autor u ovom radu analizira razdoblje od uspostave komunističke vlasti u Jugoslaviji i Poljskoj 1945. godine do početka Drugoga vatikanskog koncila 1962. godine.
Based on relevant literature and published sources, the author analyzes the similarities and differences in the policies of the communist regimes in Yugoslavia and Poland, especially in terms of similarities and differences in their socialist systems and international position in certain historical periods. Namely, although both countries established the Soviet type of state socialism after the Second World War, from 1948 Yugoslavia left the Soviet communist bloc and gradually established a special form of socialist regime that was later called "self-governing socialism". On the other hand, Poland remained under the strong control of the Soviet communist regime until its collapse. In this paper, the author analyzes the period from the establishment of the communist regime in Yugoslavia and Poland in 1945 to the beginning of the Second Vatican Council in 1962.
The monograph addresses the question of Yugoslav automobile heritage and memory. The vehicle of choice in this endeavour is the Crvena Zastava make Zastava 750, better known as Fičko. The author ...traces the post-Yugoslav stories of the car as an object that left a deep mark in automobile and memorial landscapes of the latter 20th and early 21st centuries. As an object of memory and tinkering, Fičko is used as a metaphorical vehicle to address the issues related to nostalgia and memory, but also to engage with complex questions concerning automobile heritage and nationalisation of memory and industrial. Through the analysis of various practices of re-presencing the past he author thematises the relationship between affect and automobility in (digital) popular culture and not least the relationship to the Yugoslav socialist past in general.
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