U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt
kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u ...zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid
u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova.
Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially ‘temporary workers abroad’, has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a
vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the ‘Seventh Republic’, and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a
medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia’s efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over
musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.
Bijela knjiga je uobičajeni naziv za internu analizu Saveza komunista Hrvatske iz ožujka 1984. u kojoj su sabrane antisistemske pojave iz javnoga prostora od 1982. do 1984., najvećim dijelom iz ...Srbije, a koje su bile u suprotnosti s politikom Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. Ona je bila rezultat dosljedne provedbe zaključaka Centralnoga komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije u Hrvatskoj, ali i većem dijelu republika i autonomnih pokrajina. U Srbiji su to radili parcijalno, očito iz pobuda da ne idu do kraja u obračun s kritičarima komunizma jer su dijelu političkoga vrha Srbije služili i za druge ciljeve – promjenu političkoga sustava, što je bio eufemizam za redefiniranje jugoslavenskoga federalizma. Analiza je bila uvod u Savjetovanje kulturnih stvaralaca održano 23. svibnja 1984. u Zagrebu. Izazvala je razmimoilaženje između komunista Hrvatske i Srbije i potaknula dugotrajne polemike u medijima.
The White Book is the popular name for the internal analysis of the League of Communists of Croatia from March 1984, in which anti-system occurrences in the public space—i.e. those that were at odds with the policies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia—from 1982 to 1984 and
mostly from Serbia, were gathered. It was the result of the consistent implementation of the policies of the Central Committee of the League of
Communists of Yugoslavia in Croatia as well as in most parts of the other Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces. In Serbia, this was done only partially, obviously due to a desire to avoid a thorough settling of accounts with the media and anti-communists, because they were important to a part of the political leadership that wanted a change of the political system, which was a euphemism for redefining Yugoslav federalism. The goal of the Analysis was to highlight this issue, while the Consultations of Cultural Creators held on 23 May 1984 were intended to offer help from Zagreb. It appears that the White Book purposefully ended up in the hands of persons in Belgrade for whose eyes
it had not been intended, and thus worsened relations between the Leagues of Communists of Croatia and Serbia. The White Book was also the
cause of long-lasting media polemics, despite the Party leadership’s demands that they be stopped. It is a concrete example that there existed serious differences in the approach to the topic of ideological struggle within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and that the conclusions of the League’s Central Committee were not being conducted according to the principles of ‘democratic centralism’.
The conception of total people’s defence and social self-protection, as the Yugoslav defence-protection system was called, began to be implemented after the Warsaw Pact countries’ invasion of ...Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Yugoslav communists believed that this sudden and successful aggression could be effectively opposed only through the organised engagement of all available societal potentials, based on its revolutionary experience and reflections on Marxist classics regarding arming the populace. This was the beginning of a conception of defence that visibly burdened the society, increased the already large military budget, and prompted the militarisation of society. Although the security of society, called social self-protection, was discussed at the same time as defence, the true impetus for its theoretical and practical formation was the infiltration of the paramilitary cell Feniks (Phoenix) into Yugoslavia in summer 1972. In contrast to total people’s defence, whose implementation was considered successful, the implementation of social self-protection ran into numerous problems because security was from 1945 to 1966 exclusively the responsibility of the security service, and therefore difficult to accept in other social structures. For this reason, on several occasions the League of Communists initiated its acceptance on all levels of organisation in party and social-political structures. A relatively efficient fusion of these two protective complexes was achieved only in 1979, after the founding of committees for total people’s defence and social self-protection, which were supposed to secure the leading role of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defence-security system.
Đuro Kokša (Molve, 17. svibnja 1922. – Zagreb, 26. studenog 1998.) bio je vicerektor Papinskoga hrvatskog zavoda sv. Jeronima u Rimu od 11. rujna 1957. do 15. rujna 1959., kada je preuzeo službu ...rektora. Papa Pavao VI. imenovao ga je 20. travnja 1978. naslovnim biskupom Grumenta i pomoćnim zagrebačkim biskupom. Zavodom je upravljao sve do 8. veljače 1980., kada je na njegovo mjesto došao mostarsko-duvanjski svećenik Ratko Perić. Vrijeme Kokšina upravljanja Zavodom obilježili su vrlo složeni crkveno-politički odnosi u Jugoslaviji, odnosno u Hrvatskoj, dok je stanje u cijeloj Crkvi bilo vrlo izazovno. Kokša je kao upravitelj Zavoda ponekad mimo svoje volje morao izvršavati odluke koje su dolazile s viših crkvenih razina, a s kojima se nije uvijek slagao, zbog čega je bio meta napada od strane hrvatskih emigrantskih skupina. S druge strane, bio je pod stalnom pratnjom komunističke vlasti. Usprkos svemu ostavio je trag u povijesti Zavoda. Uz pomoć crkvenog vodstva otvorio je Zavod za svećenike studente iz domovine, a papa Pavao VI. je na molbu kardinala Franje Šepera u srpnju 1971. dotadašnji naziv „Ilirski zavod sv. Jeronima” promijenio u „Papinski hrvatski zavod sv. Jeronima”. Dok je Kokša bio rektor Zavoda, Jozo Kljaković je dovršio dva pokrajnja mozaika na sjevernom pročelju zavodske zgrade, a Ivan Meštrović mu je 1960. dao dopuštenje za odljev u gipsu njegove Pietà. Ovaj rad je nastao na temelju prethodnih istraživanja i Kokšine arhivske građe, koja se čuva u Nadbiskupskom arhivu u Zagrebu i u Zavodu sv. Jeronima u Rimu. Rimsku je ostavštinu godine 2017. složio . i inventar sastavio splitski arhivist Ivan Balta.
Đuro Kokša (Molve, 17. V 1922 – Zagreb, 26. XI 1998) was the vice-rector of the Pontifical Croatian College of St. Jerome in Rome from September 11, 1957 to September 15, 1959, when he assumed the office of rector. On April 20, 1978, Pope Paul VI appointed him titular bishop of Grument and auxiliary bishop of Zagreb. He managed the College until February 8, 1980, when he was replaced by Ratko Perić, a Mostar-Duvno priest. The time of Kokša›s management of the College was marked by very complex church-political relations in Yugoslavia, that is, in Croatia, while the situation in the entire Church was very challenging. Kokša, as the rector of the College, sometimes against his will had to carry out decisions that came from higher church levels, with which he did not always agree, which is why he was the target of attacks by Croatian emigrant groups. On the other hand, he was under the constant surveillance of the communist government. Despite everything, he left a trace in the history of the College. With the help of the church leadership, he opened the College for priests students from the homeland, while Pope Paul VI at the request of Cardinal Franjo Šeper, in July 1971, replaced the previous name “Illyrian College of St. Jerome” with the “Pontifical Croatian College of St. Jerome”. While Kokša was rector of the College, Jozo Kljaković completed two side mosaics on the north facade of the College building, and in 1960 Ivan Meštrović gave him permission to cast his Pietà in plaster. This paper was written on the basis of previous researches and Kokša’s archival material, which is kept in the Archbishop’s Archives in Zagreb and in the College of St. Jerome in Rome. The Roman legacy was compiled in 2017 and the inventory was compiled by Split archivist Ivan Balta.
Sudovi za zaštitu nacionalne časti Hrvata i Srba u Hrvatskoj, kao specijalni sudovi organizirani u neposrednom poraću Drugoga svjetskoga rata, bili su zaduženi za političku, propagandnu, kulturnu, ...umjetničku, privrednu i administrativnu suradnju s neprijateljem i njegovim pomagačima. Velik dio optužnica koje su se našle pred ovim sudom imale su prvenstveno politički značaj za novu vlast u Jugoslaviji. S obzirom na to da je arhivska građa o ovoj temi podosta necjelovita, značajan izvor predstavljaju nam onodobni natpisi iz dnevnog tiska. Oni ne samo da popunjavaju praznine arhivskih izvora već i zorno svjedoče o važnosti propagande kada se govori o radu ovih sudova. Kroz tisak, s
„pitanjem časti“ upoznata je javnost.
Na temelju objavljenih izvora, dokumenata iz fonda Socijalističkog saveza radnog naroda Jugoslavije i Socijalističkog saveza radnog naroda Hrvatske, jugoslavenskog i stranog tiska te dostupne ...literature, u ovom radu analiziraju se ključni događaji u okviru međunarodnog romskog pokreta u razdoblju 1971‒1981, njihov društvenopolitički kontekst te uloga Roma iz Jugoslavije u njima. Tada su održana tri svjetska kongresa i utemeljena je Međunarodna romska unija kao prva trajna globalna romska organizacija te su se intenzivirali odnosi između Roma u svijetu i Indije. U radu se prikazuju političke aktivnosti romskih predstavnika iz različitih republika SFRJ, kao i aktivnosti istaknutog jugoslavenskog diplomata Aleša Beblera, koji je Rome podržavao u zahtjevima za priznanje statusa narodnosti u Jugoslaviji.
U središtu istraživanja rada proces je festivalizacije Dubrovačkih ljetnih igara u razdoblju od 1949. do 1959. godine, kada se Ljetne igre oblikuju u prepoznatljiv festival jugoslavenskoga i ...međunarodnoga značaja. Na temelju arhivske građe festivala, novinskih članaka i festivalskih publikacija u radu će se djelatnost festivala najprije kontekstualizirati s obzirom na povijesne okolnosti, a zatim će se odgovoriti na istraživačka pitanja vezana uz organizaciju, programski i konceptualni razvoj festivala te njegovu medijsku reprezentaciju u tadašnjim jugoslavenskim novinama.
U članku se na temelju arhivskih izvora, tiska i dostupne literature prikazuje djelovanje vojno-veteranskih društava s prostora bivše banske Hrvatske u međuratnom razdoblju (1918. – 1941.). U svojem ...prikazu autori su se prvenstveno usredotočili na odnos jugoslavenskih vlasti prema hrvatskim vojno-veteranskim društvima, koja su okupljala vojne veterane poražene austrougarske vojske, ali i na odnos radikalnih hrvatskih nacionalista prema tim društvima.
This article reports on research into the activities of Croatian military-veteran societies in the interwar period (1918-1941) in an endeavour to answer the question as to why in present-day Croatia World War I is at the margins of memory, i.e. why it is a forgotten war. Emphasis is placed on the attitude of the Yugoslav government towards the Croatian military-veteran societies, which gathered together military veterans of the defeated Austro-Hungarian army, and also on the attitude of radical Croatian nationalists toward these societies. Research has shown that the Croatian military-veteran societies were chiefly of a local character, whereas Serbian military-veteran societies took in both the Serbian and the Yugoslav state territory. In further analysis, the conclusion was drawn that the cause of the restricted nature of the Croatian military-veteran societies was Croats at the time not having a nation state that was based on the sacrifice of its sons, and so such societies in Croatia had an exclusively humanitarian character; it was not aimed at reviving the glorious Croatian war record in order to unify the Croatian people. Yugoslavia was primarily a state of Serbs, and it drew on the sacrifices of the war, but only those of Serbian soldiers, and any kind of gathering of the Croats and cherishing of the memory of the defeated Austro-Hungarian army was interpreted as an attack on the foundation of the state. This was why the Croatian military-veteran societies in Yugoslavia between the two wars, which had the potential to outgrow their local character, were either banned or forcibly merged with the dominant Serbian societies. At the same time, radical Croatian nationalists were not particularly interested in such societies. Their programme was not based on any going back to the pre-Yugoslav state, but rather on the establishment of an independent Croatian state; hence, they did not consider World War I, when Croats were fighting for and in favour of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, a significant part of their fight.
PDF
