U članku se na temelju arhivskih izvora, tiska i dostupne literature prikazuje djelovanje vojno-veteranskih društava s prostora bivše banske Hrvatske u međuratnom razdoblju (1918. – 1941.). U svojem ...prikazu autori su se prvenstveno usredotočili na odnos jugoslavenskih vlasti prema hrvatskim vojno-veteranskim društvima, koja su okupljala vojne veterane poražene austrougarske vojske, ali i na odnos radikalnih hrvatskih nacionalista prema tim društvima.
This article reports on research into the activities of Croatian military-veteran societies in the interwar period (1918-1941) in an endeavour to answer the question as to why in present-day Croatia World War I is at the margins of memory, i.e. why it is a forgotten war. Emphasis is placed on the attitude of the Yugoslav government towards the Croatian military-veteran societies, which gathered together military veterans of the defeated Austro-Hungarian army, and also on the attitude of radical Croatian nationalists toward these societies. Research has shown that the Croatian military-veteran societies were chiefly of a local character, whereas Serbian military-veteran societies took in both the Serbian and the Yugoslav state territory. In further analysis, the conclusion was drawn that the cause of the restricted nature of the Croatian military-veteran societies was Croats at the time not having a nation state that was based on the sacrifice of its sons, and so such societies in Croatia had an exclusively humanitarian character; it was not aimed at reviving the glorious Croatian war record in order to unify the Croatian people. Yugoslavia was primarily a state of Serbs, and it drew on the sacrifices of the war, but only those of Serbian soldiers, and any kind of gathering of the Croats and cherishing of the memory of the defeated Austro-Hungarian army was interpreted as an attack on the foundation of the state. This was why the Croatian military-veteran societies in Yugoslavia between the two wars, which had the potential to outgrow their local character, were either banned or forcibly merged with the dominant Serbian societies. At the same time, radical Croatian nationalists were not particularly interested in such societies. Their programme was not based on any going back to the pre-Yugoslav state, but rather on the establishment of an independent Croatian state; hence, they did not consider World War I, when Croats were fighting for and in favour of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, a significant part of their fight.
Yugoslav shipbuilding suffered great material damage during World War II. Even that which was not destroyed had very little value at its end. Shipyards had to be built and upgraded according to new ...and modern concepts. All adopted construction plans and projects of renewal, reorganisation, and modernisation, as well as parallel efforts in production and investment construction, in Yugoslavia were aimed at developing an industrial branch that had been of very little economic importance for the country before World War II. For that reason, significant financial resources (around 28 billion dinars) were invested in the development of the shipyard in the observed period, which enabled larger-scale shipbuilding to begin during the 1950s. Given the permanent military threat to the country in the first post-war decade, shipbuilding in that period placed emphasis on the construction of ships for the needs of the navy. A large number of vessels were built for the needs of the Yugoslav Navy, which significantly contributed to increasing the country’s defence capability. However, we must point out that the first fleet program from 1947, which, among other things, foresaw the delivery of 4 cruisers, 20 destroyers, and about 100 submarines to the navy, was never carried out. Due to the reduction of the danger of war, starting in 1953, Yugoslav shipyards began to pay more and more attention to the construction of ships for the needs of the merchant marine and for export. In the last five observed years (1956–1960), shipbuilding became a distinctly export industry, placing more than half of its products on foreign markets. The increase in shipbuilding production in this period also had a favourable effect on the development of many other industries (ferrous metallurgy, electrical and mechanical industry, etc.), but above all it had a great influence on the improvement of the Yugoslav foreign trade balance.
Kampanja protiv apstrakcije 1962./1963. jedan je od najdrastičnijih pokušaja političke arbitraže i reafirmacije dogmatizma u umjetnosti Jugoslavije. Tadašnji izvori upozoravaju da je upravo enformel ...bio meta tog napada. Suštinska pitanja na koja ovaj članak nastoji odgovoriti jesu: tko, kada i zašto se uključuje u polemiku oko enformela doprinoseći eskalaciji konflikta. Praćenjem zbivanja, koincidencija i usporedbi došlo se do zaključka da je kampanja protiv enformela bila strateški planirana i sinhronizirana akcija jugoslavenskog političkog i kulturnog establišmenta sprovedena prema scenariju političke intervencije u sovjetskoj kulturi, koja joj je neposredno prethodila. Iako kratkotrajna i bez drastičnih posljedica, kampanja u Jugoslaviji rezultirala je presjecanjem razvojnog puta, otupljivanjem kritičke oštrice i marginalizacijom enformelne apstrakcije na institucionalnoj razini.
The campaign against Abstraction in 1962-63 represents one of the most dramatic attempts at political arbitrage and reaffirmation of dogmatism in the history of Yugoslav art. Contemporary sources suggest that the main target of those attacks was – Art Informel. Therefore, the essential questions this article seeks to discuss are the following: who, when and why was involved in the dispute over Art Informel, contributing to the escalation of the conflict. By keeping track of the events, coincidences and parallels, it was concluded that the campaign against Art Informel was a strategically planned and synchronized action of the Yugoslav political and cultural establishment, conducted according to the scenario of political intervention in Soviet culture, which immediately preceded it. Although short-lived and with no drastic consequences, this campaign in Yugoslavia resulted in an obstruction of the developmental path, dulling the critical blade, as well as marginalizing the Art Informel abstraction on the institutional map of meanings.
Natalija Matić-Zrnić, Natalija; Irvine, Jill A; Lilly, Carol S
11/2008
eBook
The life story of a Serbian woman over a period of more than 70 years, preserved in memoirs, letters and mostly diaries, recounts the triumphs and tragedies of a life that takes place against the ...backdrop of extraordinary turbulence in the Balkans. It covers more than half a century, five wars (including the two world wars), and four ideologies. This is a time of excitement in Serbia as its leaders carve an independent state out of the Ottoman Empire and attempt to modernize a largely rural and “backward" corner of Europe. A time of opportunity for many who join in the effort to build the infrastructure of a modern economy, as well as the growing number of middle class families who send their children, in rare cases even girls, to the emerging system of state schools. Above all, a time of war, as the expanding Serbian state comes into conflict with its neighbors and, ultimately, the Great Powers of Europe. Accompanied by an introductory study, Natalija’s diary provides a rich background to understanding the on-going conflict in the Balkans today.
Bivšega policijskog upravitelja u Banjoj Luci i Sarajevu vlastodršci su krajem 1940. odabrali za ravnatelja zagrebačkoga redarstvenog ravnateljstva kao zamjenu za nepouzdanoga Josipa Vragovića. ...Svojim je iskustvom i oštrim pristupom prema neistomišljenicima političkoga poretka, prokušanim tijekom sedamnaestogodišnje policijske službe, trebao suspregnuti sve snažniju djelatnost komunističkih i ustaško-frankovačkih snaga u hrvatskoj metropoli neposredno pred početak
ratnih operacija na ovim prostorima. U prilogu se nastoji približiti Vikertov profesionalni i privatni život uz iznošenje podataka o njegovoj
povezanosti s onodobnim političkim strukturama, načinu ophođenja s protivnicima režima te najbližim suradnicima. Posebna je pozornost posvećena upravljanju policijom u Banjoj Luci, Sarajevu i Zagrebu, što je naposljetku i dovelo do toga da je samo nekoliko dana nakon uspostave
Nezavisne Države Hrvatske postao jednom od za režim najnepoželjnijih osoba.
Rikard Vikert (1889–1941) was the last chief of the Zagreb police before the beginning of World War II in this region. He remained at this
post only for a short time. Despite this, immediately after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia, he was declared one of the most wanted persons of the new regime. The reasons for this were related to his earlier policing activities, especially his performance as the head of the Sarajevo police (1935–1940), when he was responsible for the cruel treatment of political dissidents of the old Yugoslav regime.
He was trained to perform police duties as early as the time of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, acting as part of the armed forces, i.e. the gendarmerie, immediately after the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. He was well-accepted in centralist circles because he voluntarily left the Austro-Hungarian army and joined the Serbian army at the very beginning of the Great War. In this way, he gained the trust of Belgrade’s political elites, which found him suitable for larger police tasks, due to the fact he was an educated officer. From 1923, he was employed by the Ministry of the Interior, and
climbed the administrative ladder within the police apparatus. He experienced a professional zenith when he became the chief of the Zagreb
police, where he tried to oppose the increasingly strong attempts of members of the Ustasha and communist movements to break the old order. After the entry of German forces into Yugoslavia and the proclamation of
the puppet Independent State of Croatia, he and his associates fled Zagreb, trying to find refuge in Sarajevo. There, at the end of April 1941, he committed suicide while resisting an attempt of the Ustasha police to apprehend him.
This article aims to present the motives of the geopolitical restructuring of South-East Europe at the end of World War II with an emphasis on relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In this ...context, the author first identifies the interwar interests of four involved parties, namely: the Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaderships, and the political representatives of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. In the second part, the author describes the development of the idea of Yugoslav-Bulgarian integration after the War, first during the period of rapprochement between two communist parties, and then in the period of the Cominform crisis and the dramatic turnaround in their relations. Besides different macro-geopolitical visions, the author also identifies significant differences in motives at the micro-geopolitical level. Contrary to the proclaimed idea of the 'South Slavic Brotherhood', the Communist Party of Yugoslavia perceived the idea foremost as a maneuvering tool in its relations with the UK and the Soviets, while the Bulgarian Communist Party used the (con)federal idea for pursuing multi-layered interests. It was primarily a part of the strategy for resolving the Macedonian question, but the alliance with Yugoslavia was also a tool for protecting Bulgarian territories in the relations with Greece, and consequently leverage for strengthening the internal position of Bulgarian communists in the post-war consolidation process.
After the experience with people’s committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of ...citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens’ self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens’ interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.
Borba protiv „bacila Rajković, Ana
Scrinia Slavonica,
12/2021, Letnik:
21, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Jedna od osnovnih karakteristika represivne vlasti u međuratnoj Jugoslaviji svakako je bilo i suzbijanje širenja komunističkih odnosno boljševičkih ideja u radničkom pokretu
nakon Prvog svjetskog ...rata. Ovo je uvelike bilo uvjetovano povratkom ruskih
zarobljenika, tj. vojnika Austro-Ugarske Monarhije koji su tijekom zarobljeništva prihvatili ideju boljševizma te koju su potom pokušali prenijeti na teritorij novouspostavljene Kraljevine. Ovi su se „oktobarci“, kako ih je kasnija historiografija nazvala, vraćali i na slavonsko područje, prvenstveno u gradove poput Osijeka i Vukovara. U kontekstu navedenoga cilj je rada, na temelju arhivske građe, kao i onodobnog tiska, analizirati načine na koje su vlasti vršile ovo suzbijanje, pri čemu se slavonsko područje promatra u širem društveno-političkom kontekstu, kako bi se
dobila potpunija analiza djelovanja represivnog sustava, ali i načina transferiranja ideja na ovo područje. Kreiranje antiboljševičke politike interpretirano je okviru komparativne metode te teorijskog modela nizozemskog teoretičara T. A. van Dijka.
One of the basic characteristics of the repressive government of Yugoslavia between the two World Wars certainly was also the inhibition of the spreading of communist, i.e. Bolshevik ideas in the labour movement after World War I, which was to a great extent ascribable to the return of Russian prisoners, that is to say soldiers of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy who had during their imprisonment accepted the
idea of Bolshevism and accordingly tried to transfer it to the territory of the newly established Kingdom. These “adherents of the October Revolution”, as they were later named in historiography, returned to the Slavonian area, primarily to the towns Osijek and Vukovar. The objective of this paper in this context is to analyse on the basis of archival materials and then newspapers how the government imposed the restraint, the Slavonian area being viewed in a broader social-political context in order to provide a more complete analysis of
the activities of the repressive system but also of how ideas were transferred in this area. The creation of an anti-Bolshevik policy has been interpreted in the scope of the comparative method and the theoretical model of the Dutch theorist T. A. van Dijk.
The Croatian National Day was a manifestation organised by the emigrant Croatian Peasant Party, which began to be held in 1946 in the southern part of the Canadian province of Ontario, where it also ...represented the largest concentration of Croatian emigrants in Canada. The manifestation was launched so that Croatian emigrants could socialise and entertain each other, but also took on a political character, gathering funds for ‘Dr Vladko Maček’s Fund for the Freedom of Croatia’, which was headed by the Main Committee of the Canadian Croatian Peasant Party and at the disposal of the party’s president, Vladko Maček. Starting in 1950, manifestations also began to be held in northern Ontario and Belgium. The organisation of manifestations soon spread to the Pacific coast of North America, so that Croatian National Days were held in Portland from 1953 to 1964 and in Vancouver from 1958 to the end of the studied period. Significant Croatian National Day events were also held in Cleveland from 1962 to the mid-1980s. Croatian national consciousness was expressed at the manifestations, which was highlighted in the Peasant Party’s promotional activities before the manifestations, but also at the manifestations themselves, when holy masses were served for the June victims, Archbishop Aloysius Stepinac, and the Bleiburg victims. National consciousness was promoted by displaying flags with Croatian national symbols and promoting Croatian traditional clothing as well as a cultural-artistic programme carried out at the manifestation itself. Peasant Party members also used the manifestation for spreading their political messages, demanding a free and independent Croatia, at the same criticising the Yugoslav regime as Communist, undemocratic, and dictatorial, and claiming the people were prisoners in their own homeland. The political character of the manifestation was also apparent in the presence of guests, who were mostly Croatian émigré politicians and local politicians, who held their speeches during the official part. Apart from Croatian national consciousness, Croatian emigrants in Canada and the USA expressed their loyalty and respect towards their new homelands, holding manifestations on their respective Independence Days. As regards the number of attendees, one can presume that tens of thousands of Croatian emigrants from Canada, the USA, and Belgium participated at the manifestations in the 1945–90 period.
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