The complexity of the Yugoslav communist government’s attitude towards the Catholic Church under the creation of a new socialist socio-political system is the topic that will be discussed in this ...paper based on the analysis of the press’s attitude towards the Catholic Church in the period from 1952 to 1970. Based on the quantitative-qualitative analysis of articles published in the Vinkovci newspaper Novosti in the selected period, we will show the frequency of occurrence results and the context in which the selected keywords for the analysis of the digital version of the newspaper appeared (Catholic Church, priests, religion/religiosity, clergy/clericalism, church, faith, Christianity). Thus, the analysis of the weekly Novosti aims to determine whether we can observe certain changes in the attitude of the press towards the Catholic Church over nineteen years, during which several events took place to question Yugoslavia’s overall attitude towards the Catholic Church (from the severance of diplomatic relations between the Holy See and Yugoslavia, the signing of the Protocol, all the way to the re-establishment of diplomatic relations).
Diplomatic, consular and economic relations between the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Argentina were established on 16 September 1946. The agreement was signed by ...General Ljubo Ilić, chief of the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in South America, and Juan Atilion Bramuglia, Argentinian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Religion. In the first decade after World War II, the two states had some open problems and unresolved issues such as the question of commercial agreements, Yugoslav political emigration in Argentina, especially the Ustasha movement, Argentine nationalised property in Yugoslavia, visas for entering Argentina etc.Following World War II, Argentina became the country with the most emigrants of Yugoslav origin in the entire Latin America. The major part of those were Croats and Slovenes, while emigrants from Montenegro and Serbia made up a smaller proportion. The issue of Yugoslav immigrants in Argentina was of the greatest importance in the relations between two countries. In the late 1940s, the interests of Yugoslavia and Argentina in this matter were opposed. Both sides wanted to use a qualified work force for building their own country. Yugoslavia tried to recruit immigrants to come back and take part in fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan established in 1947. Argentina on the other hand, wanted to keep able-bodied people for building its own industry. The Yugoslav government sent ships for immigrants and organised housing and jobs for them upon their return. The majority of them were construction, agriculture, and textile workers. The peak of the repatriation was 1948, when 83% of Yugoslav immigrants returned from Argentina.There was another problem, and that was the different treatment of immigrants with dual citizenship, which especially referred to the children of Yugoslav immigrants who were born on Argentine soil. According the law, they were Argentine citizens, but Yugoslav authorities still thought of them as their own. According to official data, of all the people to return in Yugoslavia in the 1946–51 period, a total of 1,748 arrived from Argentina, which was 10.84% of the total number of returning Yugoslav citizens. Only France was ahead of Argentina in this period in terms of numbers of returns, with 3,914, while Canada was behind, with 1,727.
Public advocacy of Slavic mutuality and solidarity was an essential component of Soviet ‘soft power’ in the 1940s war-torn Europe. Being conceptualised by Stalin’s government in order to strengthen ...influence over occupied Eastern Europe, it was driven by a propaganda abundant with national liberation, anti-fascism, social equality and democratisation traits, while warily covering up its communist agenda under a non-revolutionary facade. In postwar Croatia, Slavic consonance was particularly propagandised by the Slavic Committee of Croatia (dependent on the Slavic Committee of Yugoslavia), a para-political learned society whose mission was heavily influenced by both the ongoing Communist revolutionary ideologisation and the escalating Cold War polarisation. Lackeyed by the Yugoslav Communist Party, the Committee commended propaganda efforts that had already been carried out to perpetrate the aestheticisation and glorification of the Soviet Union, through painting its adversaries as enemies of peace and democracy, imperialist war-mongers, servants of capitalists, etc. The Committee was eager to conduct a ruthless defamation of Western democracy and pluralism, in order to heap praise on the Soviets. Considering the fact that the Committee was established in 1946 as an instrument intended to spread the political influence of the USSR, its existence closely followed the dynamics of Soviet-Yugoslav relations, so it disappeared shortly after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948.
Članak prati ekspanziju Građevnog kombinata Međimurje iz Čakovca od njegova nastanka u 1960-ima do vrhunca svog poslovnog razvoja na samom kraju 1970-ih. S jedne strane članak predstavlja zanimljivu ...povijest tehnokracije, poduzetništva i poslovnog razvoja u vrijeme deregulirane planske ekonomije. S druge priča o modernizacijskom iskustvu jugoslavenske agrarne periferije i provincijalnog grada na samim marginama političkog interesa Beograda i Zagreba. Ovo istraživanje, između ostalog, ističe najvažnije karakteristike stvaranja velikih poslovnih sustava u samoupravljanju, a istovremeno proučava odnose i interakciju između poslovne i političke domene na lokalnoj razini. Također posredno preispituje uspjeh tržišne reforme u Jugoslaviji i istražuje odnose između poduzeća i Partije.
The article traces the expansion of a Čakovec-based construction enterprise Građevni kombinat Međimurje from its formation in the 1960s until it reached the peak of its business growth at the very end of the 1970s. On one hand, it is a compelling history of technocracy, entrepreneurship, and business development in a deregulated semi-planned economy. On the other, it is the story of the modernisation of Yugoslav agricultural periphery and the transformative experience of a provincial city on the fringes of Belgrade’s or Zagreb’s political interests. Among other things, the research underlines some of the most relevant characteristics related to the formation of large business systems in self-management. It scrutinises the relations and interactions between business and politics on a local level. Indirectly, the article questions the success of the market reform in Yugoslavia and seeks the boundary between the company and the Party.
This paper examines the relations between the two largest Yugoslav republics, Serbia and Croatia, through the political orientation of their leading reformist structures in the period from when they ...came to power in late 1968 to the forced resignation of the Croatian leadership in December 1971. Starting from the common strategic goals of the reform-oriented leaderships of Marko Nikezić and Savka Dabčević Kučar, the relations of official Belgrade and Zagreb fluctuated from alliance based on common interests, compatible constitutional and market goals, mutual defence from the arbitrary actions of the federal political centre, the need to expand the reformist base in society, the operationalisation of ‘clean slate’ politics, and a desire for the further liberalisation and democratisation of Yugoslav self-governing socialism to misunderstandings regarding the decentralisation of financial capital, different political methodologies, and different approaches to Tito. From the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia to the Seventeenth Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Marko Nikezić’s leadership showed a much higher degree of understanding for the political challenges that were coming from the reformist political leadership in Zagreb compared to the conservatives in Belgrade, who expected that Serbia would return to the role of the key ‘guardian’ of Yugoslavia. Still, a change in the political course took place when Tito, using the principle of ‘democratic centralism’, decided to defend the decentralised state through a recentralised, monopolist party. Reformist advocates of a more decisive modernisation of Yugoslav socialism were stigmatised as a disruptive factor. For this reason, at the Twenty-First Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Karađorđevo, Nikezić’s leadership remained alone in its disagreement with the forcible removal of leading figures of the Croatian Central Committee, knowing that the suppression of the Croatian Spring would open the way towards a permanent change of course and the re-Stalinisation of political conditions in the country as well as the complication of Croatian-Serbian relations in the future.
Based on the contemporaneous and recent (domestic and foreign) literature and spatial plans, this paper examines the relationship between touristic and spatial planning in Croatia and Yugoslavia in ...the 1960s. The relationship is determined using the analytical-interpretative method of the then socio-political system, tourism and spatial policy, social planning, administrative bodies, institutions specialised for planning, tourist traffic, produced spatial plans, the intensity of building accommodation capacity, etc. In the first period after the end of the war, tourism developed in an uncontrolled manner because it was not the subject of coordinated socio-economic and spatial plans. Due to a growing interest for the inflow of foreign currencies from foreign tourists, tourism gradually gained significance and was regularly given priority in development plans. The new approach to spatial planning was most visible in the developed methodology of spatial plan production and the hotel architecture and constructed hotel complexes. Since the Croatian coast had the longest Adriatic shoreline in the then Yugoslavia, the longest tradition of tourism, and was the flagship among the republics in tourism development projections and the spatial planning of tourism (because of the developed methodology of plan production), the largest number of touristic spatial plans during the socialist period were made for the Croatian Adriatic coast (on multiple levels), and the greatest investments were made in building hotel capacity there. Despite the initial idea of developing tourism and equal accommodation options for all, the new tourism planning model transformed away from this basic idea and gave priority to exponential economic growth. This new approach to tourism was most visible through the establishment of a new network of organisations and institutions for planning tourism and tourism planning in a broader spatial context rather than only on the level of individual investments. All factors regarding the implementation of social plans could not have been taken into account because all the administrative and reorganisation factors as well as the dramatic events of the socio-political and economic system as a whole that took place in the 1990s could not have been predicted. The proper methodological steps for continued and coordinated planning in the 1960s introduced significant changes into the system of touristic and spatial planning. After the implementation of the plans began, the complexities of planning (numerous unpredictable factors) that influenced their realisation became apparent. The practice of planning was further complicated because plans often acted in an abstract and contradictory manner in a political system that had a limited capacity for realising quality—and in some cases utopian—plans.
The article provides an overview of the organisational development of the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA) in the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRC) during the 1960s. The organisational development of ...YPA units in the SRC was generally almost identical to that of YPA units in the other Yugoslav republics. The development of the Navy, however, was different. There were several organisational changes that affected the YPA units in the SRC in this period. The first of these was the plan ‘Drvar’ in 1959, which introduced many new organisational forms inspired by experiences from Yugoslav Partisan warfare in World War II and by war in expected nuclear conditions. Due to some radical solutions that actually burdened the functioning of the YPA, a new organisational plan, ‘Drvar II’, was introduced in 1964 to amend this. It was followed by further reorganisations: one in 1965, which adjusted the names and traditions of the Partisan units and existing YPA units, another in 1966–1968, entitled ‘Snaga’ (Power), which led to the downsizing of the YPA following the notion in the highest Yugoslav military circles that foreign aggression was only possible from the NATO side. The sudden Warsaw Pact aggression on Czechoslovakia in August 1968 brought change in the Yugoslav perception of possible aggressors, which now included the neighbouring communist countries. This led to another organisational change entitled ‘Snaga II’. Looking from a distance, it seems that organisational changes in the YPA during the 1960s were endless. The article also notes the YPA turn to the Soviet Union for the purchasing of the modern military equipment, ranging from main battle tanks to supersonic fighters. It was written on the basis of the still-restricted sources of the Yugoslav General Staff that are kept in the Organisational Department of the Republic of Serbia’s Ministry of Defence.
U članku se opisuju i razlažu nastanak i djelovanje Pododbora Matice hrvatske u Osijeku od njegova osnutka 1936. do prisilnoga gašenja 1945., uzimajući u obzir da su ranije objavljene pregledne ...sinteze djelovanja Matice hrvatske u Osijeku izostavile to razdoblje iz svoga fokusa, držeći 1961. godinom prvoga osnutka Matičina pododbora (ogranka) u Osijeku. Analiza ima uporište u metodološkoj paradigmi intelektualne povijesti, s kontekstualizacijom protagonista i aktivnosti osječkoga Pododbora Matice hrvatske u široj intelektualnoj mreži grada Osijeka, organizacijske strukture Matice hrvatske i srodnih društava unutar društveno-političke zbilje u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji i Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj te intelektualnih gibanja unutar europskoga prostora toga vremena. Zbog nedostatne količine izvorne građe za kasnije referentno razdoblje, ponajviše prostora zauzima raščlamba prvih dviju godina djelovanja Pododbora Matice hrvatske u Osijeku, dok se nedostatak izvora za razdoblje Nezavisne Države Hrvatske pokušava supstituirati analizom časopisa Hrvatski sjever iz 1944.
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